“Se siente como si me estuviera asfixiando dentro de este albergue, atrapado sin salida”, dijo el hijo de Carlos cuando le pidieron describir cómo se sentía luego de meses en la instalación en el área de Houston, según contó uno de los abogados de los adolescentes. “Todos los días, la misma rutina. Todos los días, sintiéndome atrapado. Me hace sentir aterrado y sin esperanza”.

Durante llamadas diarias por video, Carlos, quien tenía estatus de protección temporal (TPS), les pedía a los hermanos que tuvieran paciencia, que confiaran en el proceso.

Funcionarios federales habían evaluado a Carlos antes de otorgarle la custodia y le dijeron que su caso estaba completo. Él creía que pronto estaría de nuevo con sus hijos, quienes, al igual que él, habían llegado a Estados Unidos huyendo de la violencia política en Venezuela.

Un oficial de inmigración llamó a Carlos un viernes y le pidió que fuera el lunes a una reunión en una oficina del ICE para hablar sobre la reunificación con sus hijos. Cuando llegó, los oficiales intentaron obligarlo a firmar documentos que dijo no entender. Cuando se negó, le quitaron la ropa, le confiscaron su identificación y sus pertenencias y lo encadenaron por el cuello, la cintura y las piernas.

“Me engañaron”, dijo Carlos en una llamada telefónica desde un centro de detención migratoria en El Paso, Texas, donde estuvo retenido durante varios meses. “Usaron a mis hijos para atraparme”, agregó.

Durante la cobertura de esta historia, �鶹Ů�� Health News revisó documentos judiciales, habló con los abogados de inmigración de la familia, entrevistó a Carlos y revisó declaraciones de sus hijos, traducidas del español.

Carlos es un seudónimo que se ha usado a pedido de los abogados: les preocupa que hablar públicamente pueda poner en riesgo el caso o retrasar aún más la reunificación familiar.

Usar a los hijos para arrestar a los padres

Desde 2003, la Oficina de Reasentamiento de Refugiados del Departamento de Salud y Servicios Humanos (HHS) ha cuidado a niños migrantes menores de 18 años que llegan al país sin sus padres, a menudo huyendo de la violencia, el abuso o el tráfico humano. La oficina, que en febrero tenía más de 2.300 niños en albergues o con familias temporales en todo el país, se supone que debe liberarlos rápidamente con cuidadores evaluados, generalmente padres u otros familiares que ya viven en el país.

El Congreso asignó esta responsabilidad a la agencia de salud hace más de 20 años para priorizar el bienestar de los niños no acompañados y separar su cuidado de las prioridades de control migratorio.

Ahora, la segunda administración de Trump está usando a niños migrantes bajo custodia de la agencia para atraer a padres, como Carlos, tengan o no antecedentes penales.

Una investigación de �鶹Ů�� Health News encontró que la oficina de reasentamiento, , coordina con el Departamento de Seguridad Nacional (DHS) el arresto de personas que buscan la custodia de niños migrantes.

Documentos de arrestos muestran que Investigaciones de Seguridad Nacional (HSI), la división de la agencia que normalmente se enfoca en el crimen organizado y en traficantes, entrevista a padres u otros cuidadores y luego los arresta si están en el país sin autorización legal.

Antes del regreso de Donald Trump a la Casa Blanca, la oficina de reasentamiento prohibía compartir datos y colaborar con las autoridades migratorias y no negaba la custodia de niños únicamente por el estatus migratorio de los cuidadores. el año pasado.

No está claro cuántos cuidadores han sido atraídos bajo falsos pretextos para ser arrestados. que indican que más de 100 fueron detenidos mientras intentaban sacar a sus hijos de la detención, pero �鶹Ů�� Health News no pudo verificar de manera independiente esa cifra con agencias federales.

El HHS, el DHS y el Departamento de Justicia (DOJ) no han respondido a preguntas sobre arrestos de cuidadores que se les han remitido desde febrero.

Antes de dejar el DHS el mes pasado, la subsecretaria Tricia McLaughlin dijo que la administración protege a los niños de ser entregados a personas que no deberían cuidarlos. Andrew Nixon, vocero del HHS, remitió las preguntas relacionadas con la aplicación de leyes migratorias al DHS.

Al mismo tiempo, la oficina de reasentamiento que dificultan que los cuidadores obtengan la custodia de niños no acompañados. Estas incluyen reducir el tipo de documentos que se aceptan, exigir verificaciones de antecedentes con huellas dactilares para todos los adultos que vivan en el hogar y para otros cuidadores, y requerir citas en persona para verificar documentos de identidad, a veces con agentes del ICE presentes. Estos requisitos mantienen a los “niños seguros de traficantes y otras personas peligrosas”, dijo Nixon.

Hasta enero, la agencia había retenido a al menos 300 niños que ya habían sido ubicados con patrocinadores evaluados y había pedido a sus cuidadores que volvieran a solicitar la custodia, según el National Center for Youth Law y la Democracy Forward Foundation. Estos dos grupos presentaron calificando estas acciones como “una nueva forma silenciosa de separación familiar”.

Separación a la inversa

Dulce, una madre guatemalteca en Virginia, dijo que a su hijo de 8 años lo enviaron a un albergue del gobierno después de ser detenido durante una parada de tráfico el verano pasado, mientras visitaba a familiares en otro estado.

Al principio, Dulce esperaba recuperar a su hijo en pocos días: había cumplido con los requisitos de patrocinio del gobierno en 2024 y se había reunido con él tres semanas después de que el niño cruzara la frontera. Pero funcionarios de la agencia de reasentamiento le pidieron repetir todo el proceso y volver a presentar documentos, dijo Dulce. Tardó ocho meses en recuperarlo.

Dulce es un seudónimo utilizado a petición suya porque teme que hablar públicamente la ponga en riesgo de deportación.

En un momento, le pidieron que fuera a una entrevista en una oficina del ICE para mostrar su identificación como parte del proceso de reunificación con su hijo. Ella se negó por miedo a que la detuvieran, ya que no tiene estatus legal. Cree que agentes del ICE visitaron su casa en algún momento.

“Dejé de ir a mi casa”, dijo Dulce. “Viví con algunos de mis amigos por días”.

Aunque vivía a solo 45 minutos, a Dulce solo se le permitió visitar a su hijo dos veces al mes.

Hasta hace poco, la mayoría de los niños no acompañados llegaban a la custodia del gobierno luego de ser detenidos en la frontera. Pero los cruces fronterizos comenzaron a disminuir en 2024 y el número de personas que llegan a Estados Unidos ha caído de forma importante durante el segundo mandato del presidente Trump.

Ahora, cientos de niños han sido llevados a albergues del gobierno después de ser detenidos dentro del país, en general durante redadas migratorias o paradas de tráfico, según la demanda de los grupos defensores. Muchos ya vivían con familiares, incluidos tutores previamente evaluados por la agencia de reasentamiento.

Ya casi no hay liberaciones. Según la oficina de reasentamiento, en 2024 los niños bajo su custodia permanecían en albergues o en cuidado temporal por un promedio de un mes. En febrero, ese tiempo había aumentado a más de medio año.

Generalmente se libera a los niños solo después de que sus abogados presentan una demanda en un tribunal federal impugnando su detención como inconstitucional.

Las autoridades liberaron al hijo de Dulce en febrero después de que los abogados del niño presentaron una petición de este tipo. La mujer dijo que se siente aliviada de tenerlo de vuelta, pero sigue con miedo de que el ICE pueda llegar a su casa.

Inmigrantes en riesgo

Durante el primer mandato de Trump, su administración fue criticada por de niños que habían sido liberados de custodia. El presidente Joe Biden fue cuestionado por la forma en que su administración manejó el aumento de niños no acompañados, que alcanzó un pico en 2021 con alrededor de 22.000 bajo custodia de la oficina de reasentamiento.

Aunque la mayoría fueron recibidos por patrocinadores legítimos, algunos fueron entregados a personas que no habían pasado , lo que los puso en .

La administración Trump dice que está verificando y el Departamento de Justicia ha procesado de .

El 1 de marzo, la secretaria de Seguridad Nacional, Kristi Noem, quien a finales de mes, destacó un , incluida la oficina de reasentamiento, que, según el DHS, había localizado a 145.000 niños no acompañados que habían sido entregados a cuidadores durante el mandato de Biden.

Sin embargo, informes internos del HHS sobre esa iniciativa obtenidos por �鶹Ů�� Health News muestran que casi 11.800 de esos niños migrantes y cerca de 500 de sus cuidadores habían sido arrestados hasta el 29 de enero. Solo 125 de esos niños y 55 de esos cuidadores fueron arrestados por presunta actividad criminal, lo que sugiere que la mayoría fue detenida por violaciones migratorias.

El HHS remitió preguntas sobre esas cifras al DHS, que no respondió a solicitudes de comentarios. Michelle Brané, quien fue funcionaria del DHS durante la administración Biden, dijo que las cifras muestran que la mayoría de los arrestos fueron para detener y deportar migrantes. Anteriormente, que la administración apuntó a padres y cuidadores que habían pagado para que los niños cruzaran la frontera, intentando presentar cargos de tráfico de personas contra ellos.

“Han abandonado esa estrategia en muchos sentidos y ahora van tras cualquiera abiertamente”, dijo Brané. “Estas cifras reflejan claramente que esto no se trata de seguridad pública ni de la seguridad de los niños”.

Caso en espera

Carlos salió de Venezuela en 2022 debido a amenazas de muerte y, como miles de otros que huían de ese país, recibió lo que se conoce como estatus de protección temporal durante la administración Biden. Esa protección fue para la mayoría de los venezolanos por el gobierno de Trump.

En enero de 2025, días antes de que Trump asumiera su segundo mandato, los hijos de Carlos cruzaron la frontera desde México hacia Estados Unidos, se entregaron a las autoridades fronterizas y fueron puestos de inmediato bajo custodia de la agencia de reasentamiento.

Carlos pasó meses enviando documentos para reunirse con ellos. Dijo que es su único padre, ya que la madre los abandonó cuando eran pequeños.

Funcionarios visitaron su casa dos veces y determinaron que era apto para cuidarlos, según documentos judiciales que solicitaban su liberación. Pasó pruebas de ADN que confirmaron que es el padre biológico, dijo uno de sus abogados. Sus documentos indican que no tiene “antecedentes penales”. En julio, a Carlos le dijeron que su caso de reunificación estaba completo y en proceso de aprobación. Pero luego, sin explicación, el caso fue puesto en espera.

Antes de que el ICE lo arrestara, Carlos dijo que manejaba 14 horas de ida y 14 de vuelta desde su casa para visitar a sus hijos. Solo podía verlos durante una hora. Cuando estaba detenido, dijo que hablaba con ellos aproximadamente cada dos semanas en llamadas breves y supervisadas.

Intenta mantenerse la esperanza, pero es difícil.

Según documentos redactados por oficiales del ICE durante su arresto y presentados en su caso judicial, Carlos fue detenido bajo una iniciativa llamada Operation Guardian Trace, que exige a los oficiales migratorios detener a posibles cuidadores si están en el país sin autorización legal y recomendar su deportación.

“Esta operación está diseñada para obligar a los padres a tomar una decisión imposible entre reunirse con sus hijos y buscar seguridad”, dijo una de las abogadas de Carlos, Chiqui Sanchez Kennedy, del Galveston-Houston Immigrant Representation Project, una organización sin fines de lucro que ayuda a inmigrantes de bajos recursos.

“Voy a esperar”

En marzo, un juez federal determinó que Carlos había sido detenido de manera ilegal y fue liberado bajo fianza.

Pero sus hijos aún enfrentan un futuro incierto. muestran que los albergues del gobierno a menudo carecen de suficientes recursos y trabajadores sociales dicen que estadías prolongadas en estos lugares pueden causar más trauma.

“No solo es malo, sino que cuanto más tiempo estás allí, peor se vuelve”, expresó Jonathan Beier, director asociado de investigación y evaluación del programa para niños no acompañados del Acacia Center for Justice, que coordina servicios legales para estos menores.

Los hijos de Carlos también podrían ser enviados de regreso al país del que huyeron. Debido a su detención, Carlos tendrá que repetir gran parte del proceso para reunirse con ellos, según una abogada de los niños, Alexa Sendukas, también del Galveston-Houston Immigrant Representation Project.

En declaraciones compartidas a través de Sendukas, la hija de Carlos dijo que ya no quiere estar con otras personas y pasa la mayor parte del tiempo en su habitación. Su hijo, ahora de 15 años, describió tener ataques de pánico y sentir que se está perdiendo la vida, ya sean las oportunidades con las que sueña — aprender inglés, estudiar ciencia — o ver baloncesto con su familia.

“Recuerdo cuando llegué por primera vez a este albergue; tenía mucha esperanza y fe en que pronto me reuniría con mi papá”, dijo.

La hija de Carlos pasó el día llorando en la cama cuando los hermanos se enteraron de que su padre había sido detenido. Durante días, no supieron dónde estaba. Ahora, temen que la única salida sea la adopción o el cuidado temporal.

“Tengo miedo”, dijo. “Voy a esperar a mi papá siempre”.

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“I feel like I’m suffocating inside this shelter, trapped with no way out,” Carlos’ son said, according to one of the teens’ attorneys, when asked to describe how he felt after months at the Houston-area facility. “Every day, the same routine. Every day, feeling stuck. It makes me feel hopeless and terrified.”

During daily video calls, Carlos, who had temporary protected status, urged the siblings to be patient, to trust the process. Federal officials had vetted Carlos before he could be granted custody and told him his case was complete. He believed he would soon be back with his children, who, like him, had sought refuge from political violence in Venezuela.  

An immigration officer called Carlos on a Friday and asked him to attend a meeting at an ICE office the following Monday to discuss reunification with his children. Once Carlos arrived, officers tried to force him to sign documents he said he didn’t understand. When he refused, they stripped off his clothes, seized his ID and belongings, and chained him by the neck, waist, and legs.

“They tricked me,” Carlos said in a phone call from an immigration detention center in El Paso, Texas, where he was held for several months. “They used my children to grab me,” he said.  

In reporting on the family’s story, �鶹Ů�� Health News reviewed court documents, spoke with the family’s immigration attorneys, interviewed Carlos, and reviewed statements from his children, translated from Spanish. Carlos is a pseudonym, being used at the request of attorneys concerned that speaking out could jeopardize Carlos’ immigration case or further delay his reunion with his family.

Using Children to Arrest Parents

Since 2003, the Department of Health and Human Services’ Office of Refugee Resettlement has cared for immigrant children under 18 who arrive in the country without their parents, often fleeing violence, abuse, or trafficking. The office, which in February had more than 2,300 children in shelters or with foster families across the country, is supposed to promptly release them to vetted caregivers, typically parents or other family members already living in the country.

Congress placed this responsibility with the health agency over 20 years ago to prioritize the well-being of unaccompanied children and separate their care from immigration enforcement priorities.

Now the second Trump administration is using migrant children held by the resettlement office to lure their parents, such as Carlos, whether or not they have a criminal record. A �鶹Ů�� Health News investigation found the resettlement office, , coordinates with the Department of Homeland Security to arrest people seeking custody of migrant children.

Arrest documents show Homeland Security Investigations, the arm of the agency that normally focuses on organized criminals and traffickers, will interview parents or other caregivers then arrest them if they are in the country illegally. Before Donald Trump returned to the White House, the resettlement office prohibited data sharing and collaboration with immigration enforcement, and it did not deny caregivers custody of children solely because of their immigration status. Those last year.

It’s unclear exactly how many caregivers have been baited into arrest. LAist indicating more than 100 have been arrested while trying to get their kids out of detention, but �鶹Ů�� Health News could not independently verify that number with federal agencies.

Since February, the Department of Health and Human Services, Department of Homeland Security, and Justice Department have not responded to questions about caregiver arrests. Prior to leaving DHS last month, Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin said the administration protects children from being released to people who shouldn’t care for them. Andrew Nixon, an HHS spokesperson, referred questions related to immigration enforcement to DHS.

At the same time, the resettlement office has that make it harder for caregivers to gain custody of unaccompanied children. These include narrowing the range of accepted documents, requiring fingerprint-based background checks for every adult in the home and backup caregivers, and requiring in-person appointments to verify identification documents, sometimes with ICE agents present. The requirements keep “children safe from traffickers and other bad, dangerous people,” Nixon said.

As of January, the agency had detained at least 300 children already placed with vetted sponsors and asked their caregivers to reapply, according to the National Center for Youth Law and the Democracy Forward Foundation. The advocacy groups filed calling these actions “a quieter, new form of family separation.” 

Reverse Separation

Dulce, a Guatemalan mother in Virginia, said her 8-year-old son was sent to a government shelter after he was detained during a traffic stop last summer while visiting family members in a different state.

At first, Dulce expected to get her son back within days — she had passed the government’s sponsorship requirements in 2024 and was reunited with him three weeks after he first crossed the border. But resettlement agency officials asked her to repeat the entire process and resubmit documents, Dulce said. It took eight months to get him back.

Dulce is a pseudonym being used at her request because she fears speaking out could get her deported.

At one point, Dulce was told to attend an interview at an ICE office to show her identification as part of the process of reuniting with her son. She refused out of fear that she too might be detained, because she doesn’t have legal status. She believes ICE agents visited her home at one point.

“I stopped going home,” Dulce said. “I lived with some of my friends for days.”

Even though she lived just 45 minutes away, Dulce was allowed to visit her son only twice a month.

Until recently, most unaccompanied children landed in government custody after being detained at the border. But border crossings started to fall in 2024, and the number of people coming to the U.S. has dropped precipitously in President Trump’s second term.

Now, hundreds of kids have been taken to government shelters after being swept up inside the country, often during immigration raids or traffic stops, according to the advocates’ lawsuit. Many were already living with relatives, including guardians already vetted by the resettlement agency.

Releases have grinded nearly to a halt. According to the resettlement office, children in its custody stayed in government shelters or foster care for an average of one month in 2024. As of February, that had jumped to more than half a year.

When children do get released, it’s often only after their attorneys file a lawsuit in federal court challenging their detention as unconstitutional.

Authorities released Dulce’s son to her in February after the boy’s attorneys filed such a petition. Dulce said she’s relieved to have him back but still anxious that ICE could show up at their house.

Immigrants at Risk

During Trump’s first term, his administration was criticized for of children who had been released from custody. President Joe Biden was blamed for how his administration processed a surge of unaccompanied children that peaked in 2021 with about 22,000 in the resettlement office’s custody. Though most children were placed with legitimate sponsors, some were placed with people who hadn’t cleared , putting them at risk of .

The Trump administration says it is checking on those , and the Justice Department has prosecuted . On March 1, Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, who is set to leave her role at the , touted a , including the resettlement office, that DHS said had tracked down 145,000 unaccompanied children who had been placed with caregivers during Biden’s term.

Yet internal HHS reports about that initiative obtained by �鶹Ů�� Health News show that nearly 11,800 of those migrant children and nearly 500 of their caregivers were arrested as of Jan. 29. Only 125 of those migrant children and 55 of those caregivers were arrested for alleged criminal activity, suggesting the majority were for immigration violations.

HHS referred questions about the figures in the reports to DHS, which did not respond to requests for comment about the data. However, Michelle Brané, who was a DHS official in the Biden administration, said the figures show that most of the arrests were to detain and deport migrants. Previously, the administration targeted parents and caregivers who had paid for children to cross the border, trying to levy smuggling charges against them.

“They have really dropped that pretense in a lot of ways, and they are going for anyone openly,” Brané said. “These numbers clearly reflect that this is not about public safety or about safety of the children.”

Case on Hold

Carlos left Venezuela in 2022 because of death threats and, like thousands of others fleeing that country, was granted what’s called temporary protected status under the Biden administration. That protection for most Venezuelans by the Trump administration.

In January 2025, days before Trump was sworn in for his second term, Carlos’ children crossed the border from Mexico to the U.S., turned themselves over to border authorities, and were immediately placed in the resettlement agency’s custody. Carlos spent months submitting paperwork to reunite with them. He said he’s their only parent, because their mother left when they were toddlers.  

Officials visited his home twice and determined he was fit to care for them, according to court documents petitioning for his release from detention. He passed DNA testing, proving he’s the biological father, one of his attorneys said. His arrest documents show he has “no criminal history.” In July, Carlos was told his reunification case was complete and being sent for approval. But then, with little explanation, the case was put on hold.

Before his arrest by ICE, Carlos said, he drove 14 hours each way from his home to visit his children. Once there, he could see them for only one hour. When he was in detention, he said, he spoke to them about every two weeks in quick, monitored phone calls.

He’s trying to stay hopeful, but it’s hard.

According to documents completed by ICE officers during his arrest and submitted in his court case, Carlos was arrested under an initiative called Operation Guardian Trace, which requires immigration officers to detain potential caregivers if they are in the country without legal authorization and recommend that they be deported.

“This operation is designed to force parents to make an impossible choice between reuniting with their children and seeking safety,” said one of Carlos’ attorneys, Chiqui Sanchez Kennedy of the Galveston-Houston Immigrant Representation Project, a nonprofit that helps low-income immigrants.

‘I’m Going to Wait’

In March, a federal judge said officials had unlawfully detained Carlos and he was released on bond.

But his children still face an uncertain future for now. Government shelters often lack sufficient resources, , and social workers say lengthy stays in these facilities can result in additional trauma.

“Not only is it bad, full stop, but the longer you’re there, the worse it gets,” said Jonathan Beier, associate director of research and evaluation for the Acacia Center for Justice's Unaccompanied Children Program, which coordinates legal services for unaccompanied minors.

Carlos’ children could also be sent back to the country they fled. Because of his detention, Carlos will have to redo much of the process to reunite with them, according to an attorney for the children, Alexa Sendukas, also with the Galveston-Houston Immigrant Representation Project.

In statements shared through Sendukas, Carlos’ daughter said she no longer wants to be around others and spends most of the time in her room. His son, now 15, described having panic attacks and feeling that he’s missing out on life, whether it’s the opportunities he longs for — to learn English, to study science — or watching basketball with his family.

“I remember when I first arrived at this shelter, I was so hopeful and had faith that I would be reunited with my dad soon,” he said.

Carlos’ daughter spent the day crying in bed when the siblings learned their father had been detained. For days, they didn’t know where he was. Now, they fear the only way out is through adoption or foster care.

“I am afraid,” she said. “I’m going to wait for my dad forever.”

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Health policy changes in Washington will ripple through the country, resulting in millions of Americans losing their Medicaid or Affordable Care Act coverage. But there are still ways to find care.

Over the next decade, the GOP’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act is expected to slash nearly $1 trillion in spending from Medicaid, the state-federal program for people with low incomes and disabilities. The implementation of new work rules will cause some beneficiaries to lose their Medicaid coverage.

Millions of Americans are facing enormous increases in their out-of-pocket costs for ACA coverage. So far, 1.2 million fewer people have signed up for Obamacare plans compared with last year, and health policy analysts estimate more will lose coverage as they fail to pay their premiums.

Health costs are a top concern for Americans. Two-thirds of the public say they are somewhat or very worried about affording health care, more than express the same worries about utilities, food, housing, or gas, according to a , a health information nonprofit that includes �鶹Ů�� Health News.

“All of this pain just doesn’t have to be there,” said Cheryl Fish-Parcham, director of private coverage at the health consumer group Families USA.

Doctors and health policy researchers say health coverage, of any kind, is the best protection against major medical debt.

Caitlin Donovan, a senior director at the Patient Advocate Foundation, recommends exhausting every available option for health coverage before going uninsured.

Even a high-deductible plan can protect patients from medical bankruptcy “if the absolute worst-case scenario happens,” she said.

Here are five ways that the uninsured can find affordable care.

1. Don’t be afraid to talk with your doctor about money

Patients can be hesitant to tell their doctors they’re uninsured or be wary of expressing concern about being able to afford care.

But some hospitals, physicians, and other providers offer cheaper cash pay options, said Cynthia Cox, a senior vice president and the director of the Program on the ACA at �鶹Ů��.

Often prices are negotiable. “Always ask,” she said.

Health care providers can make adjustments if they know patients are worried about money, said Ateev Mehrotra, a doctor and researcher at Brown University.

“If my patient tells me, ‘Doc, I’m gonna have to pay for this out-of-pocket,’ I’m gonna make a different risk calculus,” Mehrotra said.

That doesn’t mean a patient won’t get the care they need, he said. A doctor, for instance, might order an ultrasound instead of an MRI, which is more expensive.

2. Search for providers that specifically work with uninsured patients

If your usual provider won’t budge on prices, then search for providers that cater to patients without insurance.

Federally qualified health centers, or FQHCs, and other community clinics offer routine and non-emergency care, such as treatment for flu or infection, for low-income residents and the uninsured. Community health centers charge based on a sliding scale and see annually in some of the country’s most underserved areas, according to the National Association of Community Health Centers.

The Trump administration has made funding cuts that might lead some of the country’s approximately 1,500 FQHCs to close or cut services. But the administration still maintains .

Planned Parenthood also accepts uninsured patients. Its centers test for sexually transmitted diseases, provide birth control options, and offer postpartum and gender-affirming care .

And the National Association of Free & Charitable Clinics also offers to help people find free or low-cost care.

Most community clinics don’t offer specialty care, but they can usually refer patients who need more intensive services to providers willing to work with uninsured patients.

And academic medical centers tend to have more charity care programs that help uninsured patients lower their bills.

“If you’re uninsured or even underinsured, you might be able to qualify for a significant discount on the cost of your care,” Cox said.

Still, be wary of heading to the emergency room, which is the most expensive place to get care. While ERs are federally required to stabilize all patients regardless of their ability to pay, they can still leave you with a big bill — and often do.

3. Call your local health department

Health services vary widely from county to county, but many offer free vaccinations, family planning services, and testing for sexually transmitted infections, as well as for flu, covid, and tuberculosis.

Some county health departments also offer more advanced care, such as dental services and mental health or substance abuse programs. And some states have consumer assistance programs that can guide residents in finding care, Fish-Parcham said.

In addition, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s makes free or low-cost breast and cervical cancer screenings available to low-income women in all states and territories. And some states cover screenings for other types of cancer as well.

4. It’s easier to shop around for drugs than doctors

Don’t just fill your prescription at the closest pharmacy. Instead, research generic drug options and look around for the best price on brand names.

A handful of sites such as and offer comparison shopping tools and information on other ways to get drug discounts.

And some retailers offer low-cost access to common prescription drugs — at prices cheaper than you would find if you had insurance. Walmart, for instance, sells 90-day prescriptions of of drugs for $10. As do , , and a new site called the .

Many drugmakers also offer patient assistance programs, coupons, and rebates on some medications. Check their websites for details on how to apply.

States also offer drug assistance programs. The steps to qualify and types of drugs vary, but has a list of programs and how they work.

Joining a clinical trial is another way to access treatment. The and its have lists, but patients must first meet the criteria. Clinical trials aren’t necessarily free, even with insurance, Donovan said, so be sure to ask about any associated costs.

5. Your diagnosis might lead you to specialized resources

Patients with a specific diagnosis might have additional options for specialty treatment.

For example, someone with breast cancer should check with the and the nonprofit , Cox said.

The Patient Advocate Foundation hosts that can help offset the cost of medical bills and provide other resources such as transportation and lodging, Donovan said. Just type in basic information such as age, location, and diagnosis to see what is available.

Disorder-specific foundations, such as those for lupus or irritable bowel syndrome, can also steer patients to free or low-cost resources or cover some costs of care, Donovan said.

“Everything is out there,” she said.

As you research affordable care options, don’t be tricked by plans that look like health insurance but don’t offer guaranteed protection against big bills.

Some short-term plans and health care sharing ministries might seem like good deals, but read the fine print. Some red flags to look for: too-good-to-be-true monthly payments; no coverage for preexisting conditions; morality clauses such as those prohibiting the use of alcohol or drugs; or a lack of coverage for benefits such as mental health counseling that are required in ACA plans.

�鶹Ů�� Health News correspondent Sam Whitehead contributed to this report.

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Loretta Forbes realized she would have to drop her plan after her monthly ACA marketplace premiums jumped tenfold in 2026. So the 56-year-old, who lives outside Nashville, Tennessee, started rationing her rheumatoid arthritis medications. Her husband, Jim, gave up on his fledgling handyman business and started looking for a job with insurance coverage.

And when Nicole Wipp learned the monthly premium for her family’s ACA plan would be more than their mortgage payment, she and her husband decided to drop their family plan and buy coverage only for their 15-year-old son.

After crunching the numbers, Wipp, 54, a self-employed lawyer in Aiken, South Carolina, said she and her family made the tough call.

“We decided that, ultimately, it would be better for us to gamble.”

Despite a contentious back-and-forth and the longest government shutdown in history last fall, the GOP-led Congress allowed enhanced ACA subsidies, which had helped millions of Americans cover all or part of their marketplace premiums since 2021, to expire on Dec. 31. With the loss of the subsidies and health care costs already surging, more middle-income people face tough decisions about their health coverage this year.

Hulsman, Forbes, and Wipp don’t qualify for Medicaid, the public insurance program for those with low incomes or disabilities. But like many others, they are being squeezed by the increasing costs of groceries, housing, and other necessities. Rising monthly health insurance premiums, along with copayments, high deductibles, and other out-of-pocket medical costs, can often push families like these to the brink.

More than 80% of Americans said their cost of living has increased in the past year, according to from that includes �鶹Ů�� Health News. Health care costs ranked at the top of their concerns, with about two-thirds saying that they are somewhat or very worried about affording health care — more than said the same about other necessities, such as food and housing, the poll found., director of private coverage at the health consumer group Families USA. “This is an especially critical time for Congress to do something.”

Most Republican lawmakers have refused to renew the enhanced subsidies. Most of the public says that inaction by Congress was the “wrong thing,” according to the �鶹Ů�� poll. Instead, GOP lawmakers have advocated for an expansion of health savings accounts and for more plans with lower premiums and steeper deductibles and copays that don’t reduce overall costs.

President Donald Trump released in January with few details about how to lower out-of-pocket costs for millions of Americans. The One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which he signed in July, is expected to leave millions uninsured over the next decade as it reduces federal health spending by nearly $1 trillion, mostly from Medicaid.

Already about 1.2 million fewer people have signed up for plans for this year under the ACA, also known as Obamacare, according to . Health policy analysts expect more people to stop making payments and drop coverage in the coming months. ACA marketplace insurers have said that they are charging 4 percentage points more in 2026 because they expect healthier people to drop plans as enhanced tax credits expire, leaving more sick and high-cost patients.

Rising costs and lack of congressional action are forcing many to make “untenable choices,” said , executive director and co-founder of the Center for Children and Families at Georgetown University.

“People are faced with absorbing this huge financial and health risk,” she said.

Forbes, the woman with rheumatoid arthritis near Nashville, had been on an ACA marketplace plan since 2018. But this year she and her husband, Jim, dropped their coverage after learning the monthly premium would jump from $250 to $2,500 because the enhanced subsidies expired. Jim, 59, gave up his handyman business and began searching for a job with health insurance.

“We were like: ‘OK, we can’t breathe. We’re gonna tap out,’” said Forbes, who was diagnosed with cervical cancer in 2021. Last year she lost her job at a retirement facility because she couldn’t work after she had a hysterectomy.

A day before their ACA coverage lapsed, her husband got a job offer at a property management company that provides health coverage. In January, they learned that Forbes was approved for Medicare because of her disability. The $155 monthly premium is automatically deducted from her disability check, she said.

Forbes’ Medicare plan starts in February, just in time for her next cancer screening.

“You cannot imagine what a relief it is to know I will have care,” Forbes said.

Even those who are insured face drastically higher out-of-pocket costs. This year, health insurers’ premiums for ACA marketplace plans , the result of higher hospital costs, the popularity of pricey GLP-1 drugs for obesity and diabetes, and the threat of tariffs, according to �鶹Ů��. Nearly 4 in 10 adults said they were skipping or postponing necessary care because of costs, showed.

Hulsman, the Louisville shop owner, said he takes home about $33,000 a year from his business. Last year he paid about $105 a month for a gold plan on the marketplace, with a $750 deductible. This year, with the loss of the enhanced subsidy, Hulsman is paying the same monthly premium for a “bronze” plan, but with a deductible of $8,450, which he must pay out-of-pocket before his insurer starts paying for care. On average, deductibles for bronze plans are more than four times those of gold plans, according to .

Hulsman didn’t consider dropping health insurance, because Kentucky has limited . But he said he’ll try to get an estimate if he needs to go to a doctor. And he’s worried that a major accident could wipe out his skate shop. He won’t be able to buy inventory or pay shop bills if he has to meet his full deductible, he said.

“I’m just riding the line right now,” the skateboarder said. “One slip and it’s gonna be uncomfortable.”

In South Carolina, Wipp dragged her family to get routine vaccinations on New Year’s Eve — the last day that she and her husband had health coverage.

This year’s monthly premium for a bare-bones bronze family plan would have cost them $1,400, up from $900 last year. They would still have faced high copays for doctor visits and need to meet a deductible of more than $10,000. Instead, they’re paying around $200 to cover just her son.

Wipp, who has a rare condition that causes cysts and other growths to form in the lungs, said she and her husband plan to pay out-of-pocket this year for any initial preventive care. Their second source of money, for larger medical expenses, is an old health savings account. But she said that account doesn’t have enough to cover a major accident or illness. And Wipp can’t add to the account while she is uninsured.

“The third source would be, I don’t know,” Wipp said. “The fourth is bankruptcy.”

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Durante la próxima década, se espera que la ley republicana llamada One Big Beautiful Bill Act recorte casi $1.000 millones del gasto en Medicaid, el programa estatal-federal que brinda atención sanitaria a personas con bajos ingresos y con discapacidades. La implementación de nuevos requisitos de trabajo hará que algunos beneficiarios pierdan su cobertura de Medicaid.

Millones de personas también enfrentan aumentos enormes en los costos de bolsillo de los planes de ACA. Hasta ahora, la inscripción en planes del Obamacare registra 1,2 millones de personas menos que el año pasado. Analistas de políticas de salud estiman que serán aún más los que perderán su cobertura porque no podrán pagar las primas mensuales.

El costo del cuidado de salud es una de las principales preocupaciones de la gente. Dos de cada tres personas aseguran que están algo o muy preocupadas por el costo de la atención médica y por si podrán afrontarlo. Según una , una organización sin fines de lucro que provee información sobre salud y que incluye a �鶹Ů�� Health News, esa preocupación es más frecuente aún que la que generan los gastos en servicios públicos, alimentos, vivienda o gasolina.

“Todo este sufrimiento no tiene por qué existir”, dijo Cheryl Fish-Parcham, directora de cobertura privada en la organización de consumidores de salud Families USA.

Médicos e investigadores de políticas de salud afirman que contar con cobertura médica, de cualquier tipo, es la mejor protección contra una deuda médica importante.

Caitlin Donovan, directora sénior de la organización Patient Advocate Foundation, recomienda agotar todas las opciones disponibles de cobertura.

Incluso un plan con deducible alto puede proteger a los pacientes de quedar endeudados de por vida “si ocurre el peor escenario posible”, dijo.

Los siguientes son cinco consejos para que las personas sin seguro encuentren atención médica accesible:

1. No tengas miedo de hablar con tu médico sobre dinero

A veces, los pacientes dudan en decirles a sus médicos que no tienen seguro o les da miedo expresar que les preocupa no poder pagar la atención médica.

Pero algunos hospitales, médicos y otros proveedores ofrecen opciones más baratas si se paga en efectivo, señaló Cynthia Cox, vicepresidenta sénior y directora del Programa sobre ACA en �鶹Ů��.

Con frecuencia, las tarifas son negociables. “Siempre hay que preguntar”, agregó.

Los proveedores pueden hacer ajustes si saben que el paciente está preocupado por el dinero, expresó el doctor Ateev Mehrotra, investigador de la Universidad Brown.

“Si mi paciente me dice: ‘Doctor, tengo que pagar esto de mi bolsillo’, yo hago un cálculo de riesgos diferente”, explicó Mehrotra.

Eso no significa que el paciente no recibirá la atención que necesita, dijo. Por ejemplo, el profesional podría pedir una ecografía en lugar de una resonancia magnética, que es mucho más costosa.

2. Busca proveedores que trabajen específicamente con personas sin seguro

Si tu proveedor habitual no quiere bajar los precios, busca opciones que atiendan a personas sin seguro.

Los centros comunitarios de salud calificados a nivel federal (FQHC, por sus siglas en inglés) y otras clínicas ofrecen atención médica básica y no urgente —como tratamiento para gripe o infecciones— a personas de bajos ingresos y sin seguro.

Estos centros cobran de acuerdo con una escala ajustada a los ingresos y atienden a al año en algunas de las zonas más desatendidas del país, según la Asociación Nacional de Centros de Salud Comunitarios (NACHC, por sus siglas en inglés).

La administración Trump ha recortado fondos que podrían llevar a que algunos de los aproximadamente 1.500 centros calificados del país cierren o reduzcan servicios. Sin embargo, el gobierno mantiene un sitio web donde es posible .

Planned Parenthood también acepta pacientes sin seguro. Sus centros ofrecen pruebas para enfermedades de transmisión sexual, opciones para control de la natalidad, atención posparto, atención médica de afirmación de género para personas trans y .

La National Association of Free & Charitable Clinics, una asociación de instituciones que ofrecen atención sin cargo, también brinda una para ayudar a las personas a encontrar atención médica gratuita o de bajo costo.

La mayoría de estas clínicas comunitarias no ofrece atención especializada, pero suelen derivar a los pacientes que necesitan servicios más complejos a proveedores dispuestos a atender a personas sin seguro.

Además, los centros médicos universitarios suelen tener más programas de caridad que ayudan a reducir los costos para pacientes sin seguro.

“Si no tienes seguro o incluso tu seguro no es sólido, podrías calificar para un descuento significativo en tu atención médica”, informó Cox.

Sin embargo, hay que tener cuidado con ir a la sala de emergencias, que es el lugar más caro para recibir atención.

Aunque, por ley federal, las salas de emergencia deben estabilizar a todos los pacientes sin tener en cuenta su capacidad de pago, están habilitadas para generar cuentas muy elevadas… y a menudo lo hacen.

3. Llama al departamento de salud de tu condado

Los servicios de salud varían mucho entre condado y condado, pero muchos ofrecen vacunas gratuitas, servicios de planificación familiar y pruebas para detectar enfermedades de transmisión sexual, gripe, covid y tuberculosis.

Algunos también brindan atención más avanzada, como servicios dentales y programas de salud mental o de tratamiento por adicciones. Además, algunos estados tienen programas de asistencia al consumidor que pueden ayudar a las personas a encontrar atención médica, explicó Fish-Parcham.

También está el de los Centros para el Control y la Prevención de Enfermedades (CDC, por sus siglas en inglés), que ofrece exámenes gratuitos o a bajo costo a mujeres de bajos ingresos en todos los estados y territorios. Algunos estados también cubren exámenes para otros tipos de cáncer.

4. Es más fácil comparar precios de medicamentos que tarifas médicas

No compres tus medicamentos recetados en la primera farmacia que veas. Es mejor buscar versiones genéricas y, en el caso de los medicamentos de marca, comparar los precios porque varían en diferentes farmacias.

Algunos sitios web, como y , ofrecen herramientas para comparar precios y tienen información sobre otras formas de obtener descuentos en medicamentos.

Además, algunas cadenas ofrecen medicamentos recetados comunes a precios incluso más bajos que los que se encuentran con seguro médico. Walmart, por ejemplo, vende recetas de 90 días de por $10. Lo mismo hacen , y un nuevo sitio web llamado .

Muchos fabricantes de medicamentos también ofrecen programas de asistencia al paciente, cupones, reembolsos y descuentos en algunos de sus productos. En sus sitios web es posible obtener más información sobre cómo solicitarlos.

Los estados también tienen programas de asistencia. Si bien los requisitos y los medicamentos que cubren varían, este tiene una lista de los programas disponibles y cómo funcionan.

Otra opción para acceder a tratamientos es participar en un ensayo clínico.

Los Institutos Nacionales de Salud y el Instituto Nacional del Cáncer tienen listas de estos ensayos, aunque los pacientes deben cumplir con ciertos criterios para que los acepten. Los ensayos clínicos no siempre son gratuitos, ni siquiera para quienes disponen de seguro, aclaró Donovan, así que es importante preguntar sobre los posibles costos asociados.

5. Tu diagnóstico podría darte acceso a recursos especializados

Las personas con ciertos diagnósticos pueden acceder a opciones adicionales de tratamiento especializado.

Por ejemplo, alguien con cáncer de mama debería consultar a la r (American Cancer Society) y con la organización sin fines de lucro , recomendó Cox.

La Patient Advocate Foundation ofrece una que pueden ayudar a cubrir gastos médicos y brindar otra ayuda como transporte y alojamiento, explicó Donovan. Solo se necesita ingresar información básica como edad, lugar de residencia y diagnóstico para ver qué recursos están disponibles.

Fundaciones centradas en enfermedades específicas, como el lupus o el sindrome de intestino irritable, también pueden ayudar a los pacientes a encontrar recursos gratuitos o de bajo costo, o a cubrir algunos gastos de atención médica, agregó Donovan.

“Todo está disponible”, dijo.

Sam Whitehead, corresponsal de �鶹Ů�� Health News, colaboró en este informe.

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Loretta Forbes se dio cuenta de que tendría que dejar su plan después de que sus primas mensuales del mercado de seguros de ACA se multiplicaran por diez en 2026. Así que esta mujer de 56 años, que vive en las afueras de Nashville, Tennessee, empezó a racionar sus medicamentos para la artritis reumatoide. Su esposo, Jim, abandonó su negocio de reparaciones domésticas que recién comenzaba para buscar un trabajo que ofreciera cobertura médica.

Y cuando Nicole Wipp se enteró de que la prima mensual de su plan familiar de ACA sería más alta que el pago de su hipoteca, ella y su esposo decidieron cancelarlo y comprar cobertura únicamente para su hijo de 15 años.

Después de hacer cuentas, Wipp, abogada independiente de 54 años en Aiken, Carolina del Sur, dijo que su familia tomó una decisión difícil.

“Decidimos que, al final, nuestra única salida era arriesgarnos”.

A pesar de las intensas discusiones y del cierre del gobierno más largo en la historia ocurrido el otoño pasado, el Congreso liderado por el Partido Republicano permitió que los subsidios mejorados de ACA expiraran el pasado 31 de diciembre.

Desde 2021, estos subsidios habían ayudado a millones de personas a cubrir total o parcialmente sus primas en el mercado de seguros. Con su pérdida y el aumento ya existente en los costos de la atención médica, cada vez más personas de ingresos medios enfrentan decisiones imposibles sobre su cobertura este año.

Hulsman, Forbes y Wipp no califican para Medicaid, el programa público de salud para personas con ingresos bajos o que viven con discapacidades. Pero como muchos otros, se han visto afectados por el aumento de los precios de alimentos, vivienda y otras necesidades básicas. Las primas mensuales cada vez más altas, junto con copagos, deducibles elevados y otros gastos médicos de su bolsillo, suelen llevar a familias como estas al borde de la desesperación.

Más del 80% de los estadounidenses dijeron que su costo de vida aumentó el último año, según realizada por , una dedicada a la información sobre salud que incluye a �鶹Ů�� Health News.

Los costos de atención médica encabezaron la lista de preocupaciones: alrededor de dos tercios dijeron que les preocupa algo o mucho poder pagarla: más que lo que dijeron sobre otros bienes básicos como alimentos o vivienda.

“Las primas están volviéndose realmente inasequibles para muchas personas. El costo tanto de la atención médica como de otras necesidades básicas está subiendo”, dijo , directora de cobertura privada en el grupo de consumidores de salud Families USA. “Este es un momento especialmente crítico para que el Congreso actúe”.

La mayoría de los legisladores republicanos se ha negado a renovar los subsidios mejorados. Según la encuesta de �鶹Ů��, la mayoría de la población considera que la inacción del Congreso fue “una decisión equivocada”. En cambio, los legisladores republicanos han promovido la expansión de las cuentas de ahorro de salud y planes con primas más bajas, pero con deducibles y copagos más altos, que no bajan los costos generales.

El presidente Donald Trump publicó en enero con pocos detalles sobre cómo reducir los gastos de bolsillo de millones de personas. La ley conocida como One Big Beautiful Bill Act, que el presidente firmó en julio, se espera que deje sin seguro a millones durante la próxima década, al reducir el gasto federal en salud en casi $1.000 millones, principalmente a través de recortes a Medicaid.

Según , este año cerca de 1,2 millones de personas menos se inscribieron en planes de ACA, también conocida como Obamacare. Analistas de políticas de salud esperan que más personas dejen de pagar sus primas y cancelen su cobertura en los próximos meses.

Las aseguradoras del mercado de ACA han informado que están cobrando 4 puntos porcentuales más en 2026 porque anticipan que las personas más saludables abandonarán sus planes luego del fin de los subsidios mejorados, dejando en el sistema a pacientes más enfermos y costosos.

El aumento de los costos y la falta de acción del Congreso obligan a muchos a tomar “decisiones insostenibles”, dijo , directora ejecutiva y cofundadora del Centro para Niños y Familias de la Universidad Georgetown.

“Las personas enfrentan un enorme riesgo financiero y de salud”, agregó.

Forbes, la mujer con artritis reumatoide cerca de Nashville, tenía un plan del mercado de ACA desde 2018. Pero este año ella y su esposo, Jim, cancelaron su cobertura después de enterarse de que la prima mensual subiría de $250 a $2.500, debido a la expiración de los subsidios. Jim, de 59 años, dejó su negocio de reparaciones domésticas y empezó a buscar un empleo que ofrezca seguro médico.

“Fue como decir: ‘OK, no podemos respirar. Tenemos que rendirnos’”, contó Forbes, quien fue diagnosticada con cáncer de cuello uterino en 2021. El año pasado perdió su empleo en un centro para personas jubiladas porque no pudo seguir trabajando tras una histerectomía.

Un día antes de que venciera su cobertura de ACA, su esposo recibió una oferta de trabajo en una empresa de administración de propiedades que ofrece seguro médico. En enero, se enteraron de que Forbes fue aprobada para recibir Medicare debido a su discapacidad. Dijo que los $155 mensuales de prima se descuentan automáticamente de su cheque de discapacidad.

El plan de Medicare de Forbes comienza en febrero, justo a tiempo para su próximo examen de detección de cáncer.

“No se imaginan el alivio que siento al saber que tendré atención médica”, dijo Forbes.

Incluso quienes tienen seguro médico enfrentan gastos de bolsillo mucho más altos.

Este año, las primas de los planes del mercado de ACA debido al alza en los costos hospitalarios, la popularidad de medicamentos costosos como los GLP-1 para la obesidad y la diabetes, y la amenaza de aranceles, según �鶹Ů��. Casi 4 de cada 10 adultos dijeron que iban a renunciar o a retrasar la atención médica necesaria por los costos, según .

Hulsman, el dueño de la tienda en Louisville, dijo que gana unos $33.000 al año con su negocio. El año pasado pagaba unos $105 al mes por un plan “Oro” del mercado, con un deducible de $750. Este año, sin el subsidio mejorado, Hulsman paga lo mismo por un plan “Bronce”, pero con un deducible de $8.450, que debe cubrir completamente antes de que la aseguradora empiece a pagar.

En promedio, los deducibles de los planes “Bronce” son más de cuatro veces más altos que los de los planes “Oro”, según un .

Hulsman ni siquiera consideró dejar de tener seguro médico, ya que Kentucky ofrece . Pero dijo que intentará conocer el precio antes de ir al médico. Y le preocupa que un accidente grave pueda llevar a la quiebra a su tienda de patinetas. Si tiene que cubrir todo el deducible, no podrá comprar inventario ni pagar las cuentas del negocio.

“En este momento estoy aguantando como puedo”, dijo el skater. “Un tropiezo y la cosa se pone fea”.

En Carolina del Sur, Wipp llevó a su familia a vacunarse el 31 de diciembre, el último día en que ella y su esposo tenían cobertura médica.

La prima mensual este año para un plan familiar básico “Bronce” les habría costado $1.400, frente a $900 el año pasado. Aun así, habrían tenido copagos altos para visitas médicas y un deducible de más de $10.000. En cambio, están pagando unos $200 por la cobertura de su hijo.

Wipp, quien tiene una enfermedad poco común que causa quistes y otros crecimientos en los pulmones, dijo que ella y su esposo planean pagar de su bolsillo este año cualquier atención preventiva inicial. Su segunda fuente de dinero para gastos médicos mayores es una antigua cuenta de ahorro de salud. Pero dijo que esa cuenta no tiene suficiente dinero para cubrir un accidente o enfermedad grave.

Y no puede seguir contribuyendo a esa cuenta mientras no tenga seguro.

“La tercera fuente de dinero sería… no sé”, dijo Wipp. “La cuarta es la bancarrota”.

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The effort, part of Baltimore’s more than $100 million gun violence prevention plan, relies on staffers like Fitzgerald to build trust with people at risk of such violence and offer them resources like housing or food. Researchers believe these programs reduce gun deaths.

Yet one morning in 2019, Fitzgerald said, his oldest son, Deshawn McCoy, then 26, was shot just outside of the neighborhood he patrolled at the time. Fitzgerald said McCoy was a “really beautiful soul,” who fixed dirt bikes at a local garage. McCoy became the city’s , one of 348 that year, among the city’s deadliest. He left behind three daughters.

“This is our zone,” said Fitzgerald, pointing toward McElderry Park. “My son got cooked over here.”

For years, violence intervention was the work of loosely organized, underfunded groups. Then gun violence spiked during the covid pandemic and the Biden administration and Congress poured in money to better integrate such programs within cities. It appeared to help: In Baltimore and beyond, gun violence has plummeted.

The number of homicides in the city dropped 41%, from more than 300 a year in 2021 to 201 in 2024, according to the U.S. attorney’s office in Maryland.

“Gun violence is a sticky, hard problem to solve,” said Daniel Webster, a researcher at the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Solutions in Baltimore. “We’re getting it right finally.”

Now President Donald Trump’s administration has gutted funding for that work.

Webster said it could take years to untangle what led to the city’s gun violence drop. Among the factors, he said: the pandemic’s end, investments in violence intervention, improvements that have given police more legitimacy in neighborhoods, targeted prosecutions, and an aggressive effort to remove untraceable ghost guns.

“You need all of these systems working well to have systemic reductions in gun violence,” he said.

The Trump administration has slashed funding for gun violence prevention and research, cutting about $500 million in grants to organizations that support public safety.

At the same time, Trump has loosened gun laws the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, which oversees gun dealers. He has also sent federal troops into the Democratic-led cities of Chicago; Los Angeles; Memphis, Tennessee; Portland, Oregon; and Washington, D.C.

Webster said cities are still benefiting from pandemic-era efforts to address gun deaths. But given the Trump policy changes, if violence escalates, city leaders could have a hard time keeping it from spiraling out of control.

Trying Something Different

Safe Streets is among the promising violence prevention programs that could lose funding. Staffers in the city’s most violent neighborhoods operate like community health workers.

During the pandemic, the Biden administration provided billions of dollars to local governments through the American Rescue Plan Act. Biden urged them to deploy money to community violence intervention programs, which have been shown to by as much as 60%. His administration allowed states to spend Medicaid dollars on such programs. The goal: Stop gun deaths.

Few cities seized the opportunity.

Analyzing federal data, professors Philip Rocco of Marquette University and Amanda Kass of DePaul University found local governments used the ARPA money for 132,451 projects. Yet only 231, less than 0.2%, involved community violence intervention, they said.

In Baltimore, then-newly elected mayor Brandon Scott was ready for the federal influx.

Baltimore’s homicide rate had been high since 2015, when a 25-year-old Black man named Freddie Gray died in police custody. Protests erupted and fractures between residents and police deepened. Baltimore ended the year with 342 homicides, the first time since 1999 that more than 300 were recorded in the city.

“We got really good at our jobs” in the years after Gray’s death, said James Gannon, trauma program manager at Sinai Hospital of Baltimore.

Gun deaths tracked what public health researcher Lawrence T. Brown called the : racially segregated areas that fanned out across Baltimore’s eastern and western neighborhoods around a wealthy central strip. People who faced years of forced displacement and disinvestment became prone to violence, which fueled the cycle.

Every year from 2015 to 2022, the city recorded at least 300 homicides.

“We had to try something different,” said Stefanie Mavronis, director of the Mayor’s Office of Neighborhood Safety and Engagement. Scott created the agency weeks after he was sworn into office in 2020, later with $50 million in ARPA money and $20 million annually from the city’s budget.

Containing an Outbreak

The office’s budget — $22 million in fiscal year 2026 — is a fraction of the city’s .

Still, the money allowed Baltimore’s leaders to scale up a new approach: addressing gun violence the way public health officials might handle an infectious disease outbreak, Mavronis said.

City staffers identified the small subset of people most at risk of being shot or becoming the next shooter through crime data and referrals from social service workers, hospitals, and violence intervention staff, she said. Mavronis said that gangs, friends willing to engage in violence for each other, and retaliation had been driving gun deaths in the city.

“This never-ending cycle of violence and loss and trauma,” Mavronis said, “comes from that.”

The city convened hospital presidents to connect gunshot victims and their friends and family to counseling, crisis support, and city services.

It offered people help finding therapy, a job, or emergency relocation — and threatened arrest and prosecution if they retaliated.

“We decided that we were no longer going to subscribe to the belief that one thing, one agency, one part of government, one program was going to help cure Baltimore of this disease of gun violence that has had a stranglehold on this city for the entirety of my life,” Scott said.

The Coming Cliff

Baltimore is on pace this year to post its fewest gun deaths since Richard Nixon was president.

“Some of it is the national zeitgeist of the moment,” said Adam Rosenberg, executive director of Center for Hope at LifeBridge Health, which operates Safe Streets sites and the Violence Response Team at Sinai Hospital. He credits mainly the infusion of funding that allowed more resources and hands-on engagement with high-risk communities.

“We typically talk about how poverty affects homicides, but it works in reverse too,” Webster said. “People don’t invest in homes and businesses or, frankly, in people, where people get shot regularly.”

Fitzgerald, who grew up in East Baltimore, said he started working for Safe Streets in 2010 for the paycheck.

He’s been on both sides of gun violence, he said, as someone hit more than a dozen times in shootings — first when he was 12. At 13, Fitzgerald said, he shot a cousin in the leg. Over years, he was in and out of the criminal justice system, including for charges of attempted murder, which helped him understand the people he now works with every day, he said.

No college “can certify you in my experiences in violence,” he said. “That’s what allows me to identify and detect potentially violent situations.”

Today, Fitzgerald, 49, believes that teaching kids trauma coping mechanisms can drive culture change and stop shootings.

“Our kids see more death than soldiers,” he said.

But federal funding is drying up. Anthony Smith, executive director of , which supports local leaders on gun violence reduction, estimates that about 65 groups have lost funding this year. And Trump’s signature legislation slashes nearly $1 trillion in anticipated federal Medicaid spending over the next decade.

Center for Hope lost $1.2 million from federal cuts.

“It’s like a car racing along, and you see the cliff coming,” Rosenberg said. “I don’t know if the resources are there anymore, but the need certainly is.”

Rosenberg said that, because of their experiences, staffers such as Fitzgerald are “incredible messengers” for people involved in gun violence, and he noted that they are thoroughly vetted.

Fitzgerald put it this way: “I’m trying to save my kids, the community. The people we’re trying to save is our friends and our family, and ourselves.”

�鶹Ů�� Health News senior correspondent Fred Clasen-Kelly contributed to this report.

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