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Sanders鈥 Claim That Buttigieg Is 鈥楩avorite Of The Health Care Industry鈥 Is Broad And Needs Context

"Pete Buttigieg is a favorite candidate of Wall Street and the health care industry."

- Sanders campaign talking points issued days before the New Hampshire primary

As Pete Buttigieg gained momentum in the Democratic presidential primary race 鈥 finishing second in the New Hampshire primary and a front-runner in the Iowa caucuses 鈥 he has increasingly been on the receiving end of shade from his rivals.

The campaign of Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), for instance, distributed that zeroed in on fundraising, saying that 鈥淧ete Buttigieg is a favorite candidate of Wall Street and the health care industry.鈥

The former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, already faced criticism over his 鈥渂illionaire donors,鈥 which famously manifested during the Dec. 19 Democratic debate. It was then that Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) described a Buttigieg fundraiser as held in

Sanders鈥 comments led us to wonder if Buttigieg really is the sweetheart of the health care industry. We asked the Sanders campaign for its evidence. Staffers pointed us to data from the Center for Responsive Politics, a nonprofit group that operates the website and tracks money from individuals and political action committees donated to political candidates and members of Congress. The center analyzes Federal Election Commission data and sorts contributions by categories based on the from which they come.

A Deep Dive Into The Numbers

The Sanders campaign used OpenSecrets data it obtained in December 2019. But the OpenSecrets website has since been updated with fourth-quarter filings, so we couldn鈥檛 confirm the figures the campaign cited.

Instead, Doug Weber, a senior CRP researcher, pointed to the of OpenSecrets, saying it contains the most accurate data for presidential campaign contributions. It also highlights industry contribution trends focused only on the presidential giving 鈥 in other words, excluding contributions made to Senate campaign accounts.

We asked Weber if Sanders鈥 talking point about Buttigieg is true. That 鈥渄epends on what you mean by 鈥榟ealth care industry,鈥欌 Weber wrote in an email. OpenSecrets defines its health sector by contributions from PACs and individuals working in various health industries, he said, and 鈥渇or our data, that's our broadest definition of health care.鈥

Based on this sweeping , Sanders is ahead of Buttigieg in health sector donations. The Vermont senator received $2,910,894, while the former South Bend mayor trailed closely behind with $2,713,038.

However, when you break down this data by industries within the health sector, Buttigieg comes out ahead of Sanders in contributions from companies and also from 鈥 which includes groups like large insurance companies.

But even this point is nuanced. Former Vice President Joe Biden has received the most money of any Democratic candidate from the pharmaceuticals and health products sector if contributions from his leadership political action committee are included. Leadership PACs are committees unaffiliated with campaigns that can still receive contributions and financially support candidates.

In the health care industry categories of and , Sanders has received the most in dollar contributions.

When asked to clarify how the Sanders campaign is defining the health care industry, a staffer responded that 鈥淏ernie Sanders issued a pledge to not accept money from top officials of the insurance and pharmaceutical industries (as distinct from rank-and-file workers in those industries, which the aggregate data you cite deals with). He asked other candidates to do the same. Pete Buttigieg has refused to take that pledge, and has instead raised money from those top officials...These clear, demonstrable and verifiable facts makes very clear precisely what we are referring to.鈥

The Sanders campaign sent us a list of pharmaceutical and health insurance executives who have contributed to Buttigieg, including employees and executives from AbbVie, Aetna, Anthem, Eli Lilly and Co., Merck & Co. and Pfizer. We checked that list against the to ensure its accuracy. In addition, the Sanders campaign shared an from Sludge, an investigative journalism outlet focused on money in politics, which estimated Buttigieg鈥檚 third-quarter health care industry donations approached $97,000.

We also checked in with the Buttigieg campaign for a response, which replied that 鈥渕ore than 800,000 Americans鈥 have donated to its candidate. The campaign鈥檚 emailed statement noted that Buttigieg鈥檚 鈥淢edicare for All Who Want It鈥 plan draws industry because the health system 鈥渨ill have to provide more affordable coverage and better care or they will lose customers as people enroll in the public option."

What Does It All Mean?

It seems the Sanders鈥 claim is 鈥渋mprecise,鈥 said Robert Maguire, research director at the nonprofit group .

鈥淕iven that the health industry itself is vast, what I assume the Sanders鈥 campaign 鈥 meant to say was that the more corporate aspects of the health industry 鈥 like the pharmaceutical industry and the health insurance industry 鈥 were funding Buttigieg disproportionately to others,鈥 he added.

Michael Beckel, research director of , a nonprofit organization focused on transparency and enforcement of campaign finance laws, said the key to understanding this claim is that the Sanders campaign is characterizing money from the health insurance and pharmaceutical industry differently than campaign contributions from individuals, such as nurses and other health professionals.

鈥凌补苍办-补苍诲-蹿颈濒别 in one industry don't always express the same political preferences as executives in that industry,鈥 Beckel wrote in an email. 鈥淓ven as he's railed against the pharmaceutical industry and insurance industry, Sen. Sanders has welcomed support from labor unions representing nurses.鈥

Michael Malbin, a political science professor at the University at Albany-State University of New York, also took issue with the idea that an individual giving the maximum amount of money to a campaign could sway the candidate鈥檚 policies.

鈥淓very time election season rolls around, there are stories about individuals employed in one industry favoring one candidate over another, and it could be for whatever reason,鈥 said Malbin. 鈥淏ut, you cannot make the inference from industry coding 鈥 that they are giving just for a certain economic interest. Let alone that it鈥檚 remotely enough money to drive a presidential campaign. 鈥 It鈥檚 a $2,800 maximum, for crying out loud.鈥

The actual composition of donors in the health category can鈥檛 be known without analyzing OpenSecrets鈥 full data set 鈥 which we could not do since it鈥檚 not publicly available.

OpenSecrets does, however, analyze the percentage of (less than $200) and large contributions for each presidential candidate. And 56% of Sanders鈥 contributions are from small donors, while 45% of Buttigieg鈥檚 campaign contributions come from that same group.

Our Ruling

Sanders鈥 use of the phrase 鈥渉ealth care industry鈥 in this instance is too broad to support the point he is trying to make.

According to recently updated OpenSecrets data, Sanders has received more donations from the health sector than any other 2020 presidential candidate.

However, when the broad 鈥渉ealth sector鈥 category is narrowed down to pharmaceutical and health insurance companies, two targets of Sanders鈥 campaign, Buttigieg is shown to have received more donations than Sanders. He has also received donations from top pharmaceutical executives 鈥 offering evidence to support Sanders鈥 claim. But in specifying donations from the pharmaceutical/health products sector, Biden tops Buttigieg when factoring in contributions to Biden鈥檚 leadership PAC.

Context is also important. It鈥檚 likely a large number of Sanders鈥 health care contributions are from nurses and doctors as individuals. There鈥檚 no way to identify whether this support was related to the candidate鈥檚 health policies or motivated by other reasons.

Sanders鈥 claim has some truth to it but is imprecise. For this reason, we rate the claim Half True.

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