Two bills moving through the state Senate seek to prevent immigration enforcement officers from isolating patients from their loved ones and interfering with their ability to get legal help. Analyses for both bills cite reporting by Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News that found family members and attorneys have faced extreme difficulty locating and supporting patients hospitalized while in immigration custody.

Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News found that some hospitals have facilitated patient isolation through what are known as blackout policies, which can include registering people under pseudonyms, withholding their names from the hospital directory, and preventing staff from contacting patients’ relatives to let them know their location and condition.

A bill by Democratic state Sen. Caroline Menjivar of the San Fernando Valley, , would largely prohibit the use of blackout policies for patients in immigration custody and ensure they retain the right to have their families and others notified of their whereabouts and condition. Blackout policies would be allowed when the health care provider determines the patient is a credible risk to themself or others and the risk is documented in the patient’s medical record. Patients would also be allowed to receive visitors.

It seeks to address reports of Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents guarding patients in their hospital rooms while they undergo medical exams or talk with doctors, interfering with medical decisions, and pushing for patients to be discharged prematurely to detention facilities ill-equipped to provide follow-up care.

“These are actions that have no place in health care, and it is a clear violation of the patients’ rights,” Menjivar said.

Under Menjivar’s proposal, agents would not be allowed into the rooms of patients they bring in for care unless they can show legal authorization to be there. If agents remain in the room, staff would be required to ask them to leave during medical exams and patient care discussions. If agents refuse, health care facility staff would need to document it.

, authored by state Sen. Susan Rubio, a Democrat from the San Gabriel Valley, would require health care providers to inform staff and relevant volunteers to respond when patients want their families to know where they are, and to post a notice at facility entrances with information about visitation and access policies. The law already says patients can agree to have loved ones notified they’re in the hospital, and Rubio’s bill seeks to make sure staff and others know they can do that for patients in immigration custody.

The federal Department of Homeland Security, which oversees immigration enforcement, did not respond to a request for comment.

Both bills were passed by the Senate Health and Judiciary committees along party lines and will be heard next by the Senate Appropriations Committee.

More than 20 immigrant rights advocates and health care workers voiced support for strengthened protections for patients at a hearing last week.

“This state must do everything in its power to protect against these abuses and ensure detainees have the right to contact their loved ones when they are hospitalized and in critical conditions,” said Hector Pereyra, political manager with the Inland Coalition for Immigrant Justice.

However, representatives from the California Hospital Association and California Medical Association told lawmakers last week they had concerns that directing health care workers to document agents’ badge numbers and ask them to leave patients’ rooms could create conflict and pose a safety risk.

“While we understand that this is an important issue, we want to ensure the bill strikes the right balance and does not create conflicting or unclear obligations for hospitals and their staff and clinicians, particularly in real-time interactions with federal officers,” said Vanessa Gonzalez, a vice president of state advocacy for the hospital association.

Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News reported that one man, 43-year-old Julio César Peña, was held at a hospital in Victorville for almost two weeks before his attorney and family found out where he was. Peña, who had terminal kidney disease, was shackled to his hospital bed, guarded by immigration agents, and told he wasn’t allowed to disclose his location, according to his wife. He then suffered a seizure that left him intubated and unconscious, but no one notified his family. Peña died Feb. 25, less than two months after he was released to go home.

Advocates for immigrants and health care workers, as well as lawmakers, fear similar incidents are happening around the state.

Menjivar said her bill “seeks to close the gap between existing law and practice by empowering health care provider entities with the tools to uphold the privacy, health, and visitation rights of a patient brought in under immigration custody.”

SB 915 would prohibit hospitals and clinics from allowing immigration officers to make medical decisions for the patient or provide interpretation. Health care facilities would be required to document and verify, “to the extent possible,” the identities of immigration officers; provide patients access to communication tools; and inform patients of their rights. They would also need to complete discharge planning that includes attempts to coordinate with any receiving facility, such as a detention center, to ensure patients receive follow-up care.

The bills come on the heels of legislation passed last year that sought to limit immigration enforcement at health care facilities, including by prohibiting medical establishments from allowing federal agents without a valid search warrant or court order into private areas. However, that bill did not address situations in which patients are already in immigration custody.

“ICE has instilled fear in our hospitals and has kept us from doing our job,” said SatKartar Khalsa, an emergency medicine resident at a safety net hospital in San Francisco who has treated detained patients and testified in support of SB 915. “This has all led to worse care for our patients and has added another layer of fear among health care workers.”

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The lawsuit, settled on confidential terms last year, blamed not only the managers of City Creek Post-Acute and Assisted Living but also the building’s owner, a real estate investment trust, or REIT.

In the year Darby died, City Creek paid CareTrust REIT more than $1 million in rent, while the Sacramento, California, nursing home ran a deficit, court records show.

Federal tax rules ban REITs from running health care facilities, but CareTrust was not an absentee landlord either, according to internal records filed in the case. It chose the nursing home’s management company and required through the lease that the home keep at least 80% of beds occupied. CareTrust granularly tracked how well the home kept to its financial plan, down to the money spent monthly on nurses and food, the records said. And the documents showed that the real estate company kept tabs on government safety inspection findings and Medicare quality ratings.

Both CareTrust and the nursing home operator denied liability for Darby’s death. CareTrust officials said in court papers that it is not involved in day-to-day nursing home decisions or patient care, and that it monitors facilities to ensure nothing jeopardizes rent payments. In a written statement, CareTrust Corporate Counsel Joseph Layne told Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News: “We are the property owners, not the operators.”

Landlords With Influence

Over the past decade, real estate investment trusts have bought thousands of buildings that house nursing homes, hospitals, assisted living facilities, and medical offices. A Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News examination of court filings and corporate records shows that these landlords have more influence than the health care facilities publicly acknowledge.

The documents reveal REITs often select the management who oversee the operations and leave them in place even when they are aware of threadbare staffing, floundering governance, repeated safety violations, or other problems that hamper quality of care. A California jury in March awarded $92 million in punitive damages against a former REIT over the death of a 100-year-old resident with dementia who froze to death outside her assisted living facility.

“The REITs are in charge,” said Laraclay Parker, one of the lawyers who represent Darby’s daughter.

Absence of Oversight

Despite their ubiquity, REITs remain invisible to state and federal health regulators. Hospitals and nursing homes are not required to disclose rent payments or landlord identities in the annual reports they submit to Medicare.

Under President Donald Trump, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services a Biden-era requirement that nursing homes . Catherine Howden, a CMS spokesperson, said in a statement that the agency does not regulate facilities based on their tax status or corporate form and instead focuses on the quality of the care they provide.

REITs now of the nation’s senior housing, which includes assisted living, memory care, and independent living, according to an industry analysis. REITs also hold investments in nursing homes. Publicly traded REITs that focus on health care are now worth nearly a quarter of a trillion dollars, according to Nareit, an industry association.

While one research study found REIT investments were associated with , another concluded that after being bought by REITs, nursing homes frequently with less skilled nurses and aides. A concluded that health inspection results were worse after REIT investment.

Researchers also found that investor-owned hospital chains that sold buildings to REITs were or go bankrupt, with Steward Health Care. Often, private equity investors kept the sale proceeds as profits while the hospitals were burdened with new rent costs. “There were no improvements in clinical outcomes,” said Thomas Tsai, an associate professor at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health.

REITs are required to distribute most of their income and don’t have to pay the 21% federal corporate income tax on it. There is a catch: A REIT that “directly or indirectly operates or manages” a health care facility for five years. Typically, a REIT leases the property to another company that runs the nursing home or assisted living facility and maintains its tax break. Nareit said health care REITs distributed more than $7 billion in dividends in 2024.

Michael Stroyeck, head of health care analysis at Green Street, a real estate research company, said “there’s definitely a symbiotic relationship” between REITs and facility managers because they have the same goals. He said he has seen REITs replace operators that are having difficulties or go bankrupt.

John Kane, a senior vice president at the American Health Care Association and the National Center for Assisted Living, an industry group that represents nursing homes, said in a statement: “Given government funding often falls short, REITs have been valuable partners in helping to invest in long term care without influencing daily operations.”

Low Staffing at a Chain

Strawberry Fields REIT, which like CareTrust trades on the New York Stock Exchange, owns or controls the buildings of 131 nursing home facilities. The nursing home operations inside 66 of those facilities are owned by Moishe Gubin, Strawberry Fields’ chief executive, and Michael Blisko, one of its directors, according to Strawberry Fields’ for last year.

Gubin and Blisko also jointly own , which manages their nursing homes; Blisko is Infinity’s CEO. On average, Infinity-affiliated nursing homes provided an hour and a quarter less nursing care per resident per day than the national average of four hours, a Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News analysis of federal records found.

Infinity and several of its nursing homes have recently settled 30 death and injury lawsuits in Cook County, Illinois, totaling more than $4 million, said Margaret Battersby Black, a Chicago lawyer. A jury last year awarded $12 million in a lawsuit brought against Infinity and one of its Chicago nursing homes over the 2023 death of Shirley Adams. A retired candy factory worker, Adams died after developing infected bedsores at Lakeview Rehabilitation and Nursing Center, according to the lawsuit.

“She had wounds that no one could explain,” one of her adult children, Leslie Adams, testified at trial. Medicare its lowest quality rating, one star out of five.

Paul Connery, a lawyer for Adams’ family, said they are still trying to collect on the judgment against the nursing home and management company, which now totals $17 million with interest and attorney fees.

“If I get caught speeding and I went to court, they issue me a ticket and I’ve got a fine to pay,” Adams said in an interview. “How are they able to still continue to move on with business like nothing has happened?”

In a phone interview and an email, Gubin said Strawberry Fields, Infinity, and the nursing homes are all legally distinct and that he has not played an active role in Infinity in more than a decade. He said nursing homes get sued all the time but that the verdict against Lakeview is so large that it will force the home to declare bankruptcy or shut down.

“The whole thing is unfortunate,” Gubin said by phone. “For 15 years they were a perfectly good guardian” and “a well-run building,” he said. “You wouldn’t think it was fair to be judged on your worst day.”

Blisko and an Infinity lawyer did not respond to requests for comment.

Strawberry Fields, which owns 10 assisted living facilities and two long-term care hospitals in addition to the nursing homes, earned net income last year of from $155 million in rent, a 21% profit margin, securities filings show. Gubin said those weren’t excessive returns.

A $110 Million Verdict

Traditionally, REIT leases make the operating companies responsible for paying property taxes, insurance premiums, and maintenance costs. In 2008, Congress gave health care REITs a new option to make money: On top of collecting rents, they could set up subsidiaries and take profits directly from health care businesses. They still must have independent management overseeing care decisions. Many REITs have embraced the role even though the subsidiaries must pay corporate taxes and risk losing money if the businesses do poorly.

Colony Capital was a REIT that through layers of shell corporations owned both the building and the operation of Greenhaven Estates, a Sacramento assisted living and memory care facility. In 2018 Greenhaven paid Colony $1.4 million in rent, nearly a third of its $4.5 million in revenue that year, according to financial records filed in court.

Greenhaven also was on the verge of losing its license, according to a revocation notice filed in November 2018 by the California Department of Social Services. Greenhaven had racked up years of health violations, including from letting untrained workers administer medications, lacking enough employees to care for people with dementia, and neglecting a resident who smeared feces over his body, bed, floor, and bathroom, the notice said.

In February 2019, a few weeks after celebrating her 100th birthday, Mildred Hernandez, a resident with Alzheimer’s, wandered out of Greenhaven in the middle of the night. Her assisted living wing had no exit door alarms even though it housed several residents with dementia, court records showed. Berta Lepe, one of Greenhaven’s caregivers, found Hernandez under a bush, wearing only a shirt and underwear. The temperature was in the 30s.

“She was talking, but I couldn’t understand what she was saying,” Lepe testified at trial over a lawsuit from Hernandez’s family. Hernandez died of hypothermia a few hours later, according to her death certificate.

Frontier Management, the company that Colony had hired to manage Greenhaven, denied liability and settled the lawsuit on undisclosed terms.

Since the lawsuit, Colony has changed its name to DigitalBridge, which no longer owns Greenhaven and gave up its REIT status. At trial earlier this year, DigitalBridge said resident care was the responsibility of Frontier and that Colony “encouraged” Frontier to address problems. Richard Welch, a former Colony executive, testified that replacing management is disruptive. “I viewed it as a last resort,” he said.

In March, a jury awarded Hernandez’s family $110 million: $10 million in compensatory damages, $92 million in punitive damages against DigitalBridge, and $8 million in punitive damages against Formation Capital, an asset management company.

“REIT money is very detached from knowing about or caring about patient or resident outcomes, because it’s not in their business model,” Ed Dudensing, a lawyer for the family, said in an interview. “Their allegiance is to their investors.”

DigitalBridge has asked the judge to delay finalizing the judgment while its legal challenges to the lawsuit and the verdict are evaluated. A DigitalBridge attorney and a corporate spokesperson did not respond to requests for comment, a Formation attorney declined comment, and a Frontier attorney and a spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment.

‘Wet From Head to Toe’

When CareTrust bought City Creek Post-Acute and Assisted Living in 2019, the Sacramento nursing home where Pearlene Darby lived had a one-star Medicare rating and was losing money. CareTrust leased the building to a management company called Kalesta Healthcare Group based on the business plan Kalesta submitted.

While CareTrust was not the operator, it held periodic phone calls with Kalesta, which provided “a full update of what’s happening at the facility,” including changes in leadership, financial progress, and health inspection survey results, according to deposition testimony by Ryan Williams, a Kalesta co-founder.

According to a state inspection report, in 2020, the year Darby died, City Creek left a resident in soiled linens “wet from head to toe lying in bed” for more than eight hours. During a different visit, a health inspector cited the home after watching a nurse put a dirty diaper back onto a resident after caring for a wound. “It was just a small stool and it is far from where the wound is,” the nurse told the inspector, according to the report.

James Callister, CareTrust’s chief investment officer, said in his deposition that CareTrust officials “review results of regulatory surveys provided to us by the tenant. We review the five-star rating.” He said, “We evaluate results of care, but we do not evaluate types of care given or how or when, no.”

Darby had been living in City Creek since 2011 after a stroke left her in a wheelchair. She needed help getting in and out of bed. From September through November 2020, Darby lost 30 pounds, her family’s lawsuit alleged. During those months, employees dropped her three times as one worker rather than the required two operated the mechanical lift, the lawsuit said.

The suit alleged City Creek failed to reposition her every two hours in bed or her wheelchair, which is the clinical standard for people at risk of bedsores, and to promptly order devices to protect her skin.

In November, the nursing home sent Darby to the hospital. A blood test found bacteria had entered her bloodstream from her feces’ touching open skin wounds, according to the lawsuit. The hospital diagnosed her with sepsis. A surgeon said she needed an operation to redirect fecal waste from her intestines but concluded she wasn’t medically stable enough for surgery, the suit said.

Darby began receiving comfort care measures and was sent back to City Creek. She died two weeks later. In court filings, CareTrust and Kalesta denied the allegations.

In a phone interview, Williams, the Kalesta co-founder, said Darby’s death occurred during the most challenging point of the covid pandemic, when California rules required any nurses testing positive for the virus to be sent home and nurses were quitting out of fear for their health. “It was the most herculean of professional efforts to secure enough staff,” he said.

While expressing sympathy for Darby and her family, he said it was “unconscionable” that personal injury lawyers sued nursing homes over care failures during “the worst of times.”

In court, CareTrust petitioned Judge Richard Miadich to dismiss it from the lawsuit before trial. “This case does not concern a property condition,” CareTrust’s lawyers wrote. “CareTrust is simply a landlord.” But the judge ruled last year a jury should decide whether CareTrust “exercised actual control over City Creek.”

The case was settled out of court a few months later. All parties declined to reveal the settlement terms.

A 67% Profit

As recently as November 2023 — four years after its acquisition — City Creek earned one star from Medicare. It was cited for failing to have the minimum nursing home staffing required by California law during five of 24 randomly selected days in 2022, according to an inspection report. Williams said in the interview that Kalesta had increased spending on nursing over the course of its ownership, including boosting wages, but that it takes a year or two to turn around a troubled nursing home. He said the home’s star rating in 2023 was dragged down by its poor inspection history from before Kalesta took over.

City Creek’s rating has climbed in the past two years, and it now has the top overall rating of five, according to Medicare. Medicare rates City Creek’s current staffing levels as average. That’s better than most nursing homes in more than 200 buildings CareTrust bought before 2025, according to a Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News analysis of federal data. On average, CareTrust nursing homes provided a half hour less nursing care per resident per day than the national average of four hours.

In its statement to Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News, CareTrust’s counsel Layne said the REIT worked to “identify quality operators as tenants,” and that the homes the REIT rents out have more nurses and aides than the minimum required for nursing homes by their state governments. “The operators are licensed by state regulators and retain sole responsibility for operations,” the statement said.

CareTrust, which now owns more than 500 senior housing and nursing home buildings, reported net income last year of $320 million from in rents and other revenue — a 67% profit margin. By comparison, HCA Healthcare, one of the nation’s largest for-profit hospital and health care chains, for last year.

Lesley Ann Clement, one of Darby’s lawyers, said cases like hers show the nursing home industry is wrong to complain it lacks financial resources for more staffing.

“There’s plenty of money,” Clement said. “They’re just not spending it on patient care.”

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If you or someone you know may be experiencing a mental health crisis, contact the 988 Suicide & Crisis Lifeline by dialing or texting “988.”

Vince Lahey of Carefree, Arizona, embraces chatbots. From Big Tech products to “shady” ones, they offer “someone that I could share more secrets with than my therapist.”

He especially likes the apps for feedback and support, even though sometimes they berate him or lead him to fight with his ex-wife. “I feel more inclined to share more,” Lahey said. “I don’t care about their perception of me.”

There are a lot of people like Lahey.

Demand for mental health care has grown. Self-reported poor mental health days rose by 25% since the 1990s, analyzing survey data. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, suicide rates in 2022 that hadn’t been seen in nearly 80 years.

There are many patients who find a nonhuman therapist, powered by artificial intelligence, highly appealing — more appealing than a human with a reclining couch and stern manner. with begging for a therapist who’s “not on the clock,” who’s less judgmental, or who’s just less expensive.

Most people who need care don’t get it, said Tom Insel, former head of the National Institute of Mental Health, citing his former agency’s research. Of those who do, 40% receive “minimally acceptable care.”

“There’s a massive need for high-quality therapy,” he said. “We’re in a world in which the status quo is really crappy, to use a scientific term.”

Insel said engineers from OpenAI told him last fall that about 5% to 10% of the company’s then-roughly 800 million-strong user base rely on ChatGPT for mental health support.

Polling suggests these AI chatbots may be even more popular among young adults. A Â鶹ŮÓÅ poll found about 3 in 10 respondents ages 18 to 29 for mental or emotional health advice in the past year. Uninsured adults were about twice as likely as insured adults to report using AI tools. And nearly 60% of adult respondents who used a chatbot for mental health didn’t follow up with a flesh-and-blood professional.

The App Will Put You on the Couch

A burgeoning industry of apps offers AI therapists with human-like, often unrealistically attractive avatars serving as a sounding board for those experiencing anxiety, depression, and other conditions.

Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News identified some 45 AI therapy apps in Apple’s App Store in March. While many charge steep prices for their services — one listed an annual plan for $690 — they’re still generally cheaper than talk therapy, which can cost hundreds of dollars an hour without insurance coverage.

On the App Store, “therapy” is often used as a marketing term, with small print noting the apps cannot diagnose or treat disease. One app, branded as OhSofia! AI Therapy Chat, had downloads in the six figures, said OhSofia! founder Anton Ilin in December.

“People are looking for therapy,” Ilin said. On one hand, the product’s name ; on the other, it warns in that it “does not provide medical advice, diagnosis, treatment, or crisis intervention and is not a substitute for professional healthcare services.” Executives don’t think that’s confusing, since there are disclaimers in the app.

The apps promise big results without backup. its users “immediate help during panic attacks.” it was “proven effective by researchers” and that it offers 2.3 times faster relief for anxiety and stress. (It doesn’t say what it’s faster than.)

There are few legislative or regulatory guardrails around how developers refer to their products — or even whether the products are safe or effective, said Vaile Wright, senior director of the office of health care innovation at the American Psychological Association. Even federal patient privacy protections don’t apply, she said.

“Therapy is not a legally protected term,” Wright said. “So, basically, anybody can say that they give therapy.”

Many of the apps “overrepresent themselves,” said John Torous, a psychiatrist and clinical informaticist at Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center. “Deceiving people that they have received treatment when they really have not has many negative consequences,” including delaying actual care, he said.

States such as Nevada, Illinois, and California are trying to sort out the regulatory disarray, enacting laws forbidding apps from describing their chatbots as AI therapists.

“It’s a profession. People go to school. They get licensed to do it,” said Jovan Jackson, a Nevada legislator, who co-authored an enacted bill banning apps from referring to themselves as mental health professionals.

Underlying the hype, outside researchers and company representatives themselves have told the FDA and Congress that there’s little evidence supporting the efficacy of these products. What studies there are — and some companion-focused chatbots are “consistently poor” at managing crises.

“When it comes to chatbots, we don’t have any good evidence it works,” said Charlotte Blease, a professor at Sweden’s Uppsala University who specializes in trial design for digital health products.

The lack of “good quality” clinical trials stems from the FDA’s failure to provide recommendations about how to test the products, she said. “FDA is offering no rigorous advice on what the standards should be.”

Department of Health and Human Services spokesperson Emily Hilliard said, in response, that “patient safety is the FDA’s highest priority” and that AI-based products are subject to agency regulations requiring the demonstration of “reasonable assurance of safety and effectiveness before they can be marketed in the U.S.”

The Silver-Tongued Apps

Preston Roche, a psychiatry resident who’s , gets lots of questions about whether AI is a good therapist. After trying ChatGPT himself, he said he was “impressed” initially that it was able to use techniques to help him put negative thoughts “on trial.”

But Roche said after seeing posts on social media discussing people developing psychosis or being encouraged to make harmful decisions, he became disillusioned. The bots, he concluded, are sycophantic.

“When I look globally at the responsibilities of a therapist, it just completely fell on its face,” he said.

This sycophancy — the tendency of apps based on large language models to empathize, flatter, or delude their human conversation partner — is inherent to the app design, experts in digital health say.

“The models were developed to answer a question or prompt that you ask and to give you what you’re looking for,” said Insel, the former NIMH director, “and they’re really good at basically affirming what you feel and providing psychological support, like a good friend.”

That’s not what a good therapist does, though. “The point of psychotherapy is mostly to make you address the things that you have been avoiding,” he said.

While polling suggests many users are satisfied with what they’re getting out of ChatGPT and other apps, there have been about the service or encouragement to self-harm.

And or have been filed against OpenAI after ChatGPT users died by suicide or became hospitalized. In most of those cases, the plaintiffs allege they began using the apps for one purpose — like schoolwork — before confiding in them. These cases are being .

Google and the startup Character.ai — which has been funded by Google and has created “avatars” that adopt specific personas, like athletes, celebrities, study buddies, or therapists — are settling other wrongful-death lawsuits, .

OpenAI’s CEO, Sam Altman, has said up to may talk about suicide on ChatGPT.

“We have seen a problem where people that are in fragile psychiatric situations using a model like 4o can get into a worse one,” Altman said in a public question-and-answer session reported by , referring to a particular model of ChatGPT introduced in 2024. “I don’t think this is the last time we’ll face challenges like this with a model.”

An OpenAI spokesperson did not respond to requests for comment.

The company has said it on safeguards, such as referring users to 988, the national suicide hotline. However, the lawsuits against OpenAI argue existing safeguards aren’t good enough, and some research shows the problems are . OpenAI its own data suggesting the opposite.

OpenAI is , offering, early in one case, a variety of defenses ranging from denying that its product caused self-harm to alleging that the defendant misused the product by inducing it to discuss suicide. It has also said it’s working to .

Smaller apps also rely on OpenAI or other AI models to power their products, executives told Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News. In interviews, startup founders and other experts said they worry that if a company simply imports those models into its own service, it might duplicate whatever safety flaws exist in the original product.

Data Risks

Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News’ review of the App Store found listed age protections are minimal: Fifteen of the nearly four dozen apps say they could be downloaded by 4-year-old users; an additional 11 say they could be downloaded by those 12 and up.

Privacy standards are opaque. On the App Store, several apps are described as neither tracking personally identifiable data nor sharing it with advertisers — but on their company websites, privacy policies contained contrary descriptions, discussing the use of such data and their disclosure of information to advertisers, like AdMob.

In response to a request for comment, Apple spokesperson Adam Dema to the company’s App Store policies, which bar apps from using health data for advertising and require them to display information about how they use data in general. Dema did not respond to a request for further comment about how Apple enforces these policies.

Researchers and policy advocates said that sharing psychiatric data with social media firms means patients could be profiled. They could be targeted by dodgy treatment firms or charged different prices for goods based on their health.

Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News contacted several app makers about these discrepancies; two that responded said their privacy policies had been put together in error and pledged to change them to reflect their stances against advertising. (A third, the team at OhSofia!, said simply that they don’t do advertising, though their app’s notes users “may opt out of marketing communications.”)

One executive told Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News there’s business pressure to maintain access to the data.

“My general feeling is a subscription model is much, much better than any sort of advertising,” said Tim Rubin, the founder of Wellness AI, adding that he’d change the description in his app’s privacy policy.

One investor advised him not to swear off advertising, he said. “They’re like, essentially, that’s the most valuable thing about having an app like this, that data.”

“I think we’re still at the beginning of what’s going to be a revolution in how people seek psychological support and, even in some cases, therapy,” Insel said. “And my concern is that there’s just no framework for any of this.”

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It started building over the summer, fed by news of across Southern California, Trump administration plans to with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, and the passage of state and federal restrictions on immigrant Medicaid eligibility. Then in November, the federal government released a new that, if enacted, could block certain immigrants from obtaining permanent legal residency if they or family members have used public benefits, including Medicaid.

Many of González’ clients and their children, often U.S. citizens, still qualify for California’s Medicaid program, known as Medi-Cal, which provides health coverage to over 14 million residents with low incomes or disabilities. But increasingly, they don’t want to enroll or renew their coverage, she said.

“Many people don’t want to apply,” she said. “There are people who say they don’t even want to go outside and water their plants.”

An analysis by Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News found that, from June to December, the latest month for which figures are available, almost 100,000 immigrants without legal status left Medi-Cal, representing about a quarter of all disenrollments in that time frame, even though this group makes up only about 11% of Medi-Cal enrollees.

It marks a reversal in a steady rise in enrollment among immigrants without legal status in California. Until July, sign-ups among this group had risen every month since the state opened Medi-Cal to all low-income residents regardless of immigration status in January 2024.

Tessa Outhyse, a spokesperson for the California Department of Health Care Services, which oversees Medi-Cal, said the enrollment declines can be mostly attributed to the fact that the government restarted eligibility checks that were suspended during the covid-19 pandemic. Indeed, overall Medi-Cal enrollment peaked in May 2023, and has since declined by about 1.6 million.

But two researchers, Leonardo Cuello at Georgetown University’s Center for Children and Families and Susan Babey at the UCLA Center for Health Policy Research, pointed out that California and most other states had fully resumed eligibility checks . In other words, that wouldn’t explain why enrollment has fallen precipitously in the last 12 months or so.

What has changed, Cuello said, is that the federal government passed the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, and executive orders added more changes that are propelling disenrollment.

Surveys Offer Clues

found immigrant adults nationally, especially parents, to be increasingly avoiding government programs that help pay for food, housing, or health care, to avoid drawing attention to their or a family member’s immigration status. That included lawfully present residents and naturalized citizens. Parental avoidance of these programs is particularly concerning, Cuello said, because about 1 in 4 children in the U.S. have an immigrant parent, even though most of those children were born in the U.S.

Cuello suspects that may help explain a nationwide enrollment drop of almost 3% in Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program during the first 10 months of last year, including a 5.6% drop in enrollment among California children, according to .

During the first Trump administration, the president broadened public charge criteria to allow consideration of Medicaid use and food and housing assistance. That led many citizen children and other household members to they were eligible for. Some the programs even after several courts blocked implementation and Democratic President Joe Biden rescinded the rule.

“It caused a high level of confusion,” said Louise McCarthy, president and CEO of the Community Clinic Association of Los Angeles County, which represents about 70 health centers in the Los Angeles area. “Community health center staff are still working to undo the effects of the first rule.”

Projected Savings

Currently, only people reliant on cash assistance programs or long-term, government-funded institutionalized care may be considered a public charge risk when applying for a visa to enter the country or to become a legal permanent resident. But under the Trump administration’s proposed rule, Medicaid and other noncash programs could be used to determine whether an immigrant is likely to become dependent on the government. Immigration officers would also have more discretion to label people a public charge.

The Department of Homeland Security’s proposal says the changes are needed because the existing rules hamper the agency’s ability to make decisions about an immigrant’s risk of becoming reliant on government resources. A public comment period for the proposal ended in December.

DHS did not respond to a request about when it plans to make a final decision on the rule. The change would “align with long-standing policy that aliens in the United States should be self-reliant and government benefits should not incentivize immigration,” the proposal states.

The agency projected the change could save federal and state governments almost $9 billion annually from people disenrolling from or forgoing enrollment in public benefit programs.

A of the proposed rule estimated it could result in 1.3 to 4 million people disenrolling from Medicaid or CHIP, including as many as 1.8 million citizen children.

“It’s clearly being weaponized to create fear and anxiety,” said Benyamin Chao, supervising health and public benefits policy manager at the California Immigrant Policy Center. He called the proposal part of an “assault on lawfully present immigrants and U.S. citizens who are family members, and just the general community.”

Public charge fears are expected to decrease enrollment also in anti-hunger programs, such as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, known in California as CalFresh. Mark Lowry, who heads the Orange County Food Bank, said that that — along with disenrollment related to the One Big Beautiful Bill Act — could overwhelm food pantries, since federal nutrition programs account for the vast majority of food aid.

“There’s no way that the emergency food system has the capacity or resources to address those needs,” he said.

Health Care Needs

Fear of Medi-Cal enrollment doesn’t extend to all immigrants. Juana Zaragoza manages a program in Oxnard that helps mostly Indigenous Mexican farmworkers sign up for Medi-Cal. Overall enrollment and reenrollment has remained steady over the past few months, she said. Neither she nor the community members she serves know much about the public charge proposal, she added.

Often, any concerns they have are outweighed by an immediate need for health care.

“We encounter a lot of people who are balancing: what benefits me now and what benefits me later,” she said. “Some just want to cover their needs in the moment.”

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The federal government doesn’t track how many children have entered foster care because of immigration enforcement actions, leaving it unclear how often it happens. In Oregon, as of February two children had been placed in foster care after being separated from their parents in immigration detention cases, according to Jake Sunderland, a spokesperson for the Oregon Department of Human Services.

“Before fall 2025, this simply had never happened before,” Sunderland said.

As of mid-February, nearly by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The record 73,000 people in detention in January represented an compared with one year before. According to , parents of 11,000 children who are U.S. citizens were detained from the beginning of Trump’s term through August.

The news outlet NOTUS that at least 32 children of detained or deported parents had been placed in foster care in seven states.

Sandy Santana, executive director of Children’s Rights, a legal advocacy organization, said he thinks the actual number is much higher.

“That, to us, seems really, really low,” he said.

Separation from a parent is deeply traumatic for children and can lead to , including post-traumatic stress disorder. Prolonged, intense stress can lead to more-frequent infections in children and developmental issues. That “toxic stress” is also associated with responsible for learning and memory, according to Â鶹ŮÓÅ.

, and amended existing laws during Trump’s first term to allow guardians to be granted temporary parental rights for immigration enforcement reasons. Now the enforcement surge that began after Trump returned to office last year has prompted a new wave of state responses.

In New Jersey, lawmakers are considering to amend a state law that allows parents to nominate standby, or temporary, guardians in the cases of death, incapacity, or debilitation. The bill would add separation due to federal immigration enforcement as another allowable reason.

Nevada and California passed laws last year to protect families separated by immigration enforcement actions. California’s law, called the , allows parents to nominate guardians and share custodial rights, instead of having them suspended, while they’re detained. They regain their full parental rights if they are released and are able to reunite with their children.

There are significant legal barriers to reunification once a child is placed in state custody, said Juan Guzman, director of children’s court and guardianship at the Alliance for Children’s Rights, a legal advocacy organization in Los Angeles.

If a parent’s child is placed in foster care and the parent cannot participate in required court proceedings because they are in detention or have been deported, it’s less likely they will be able to reunite with their child, Guzman said.

are U.S. citizens who live with a parent or family member who does not have legal immigration status, according to research from the Brookings Institution, a Washington, D.C.-based think tank. Within that group, 2.6 million children have two parents lacking legal status.

Santana said he expects the number of family separation cases to grow as the Trump administration continues its immigration enforcement campaign, putting more children at risk of being placed in foster care.

the agency to make efforts to facilitate detained parents’ participation in family court, child welfare, or guardianship proceedings, but Santana said it’s uncertain whether ICE is complying with those rules.

ICE officials did not respond to requests for comment for this report.

Before the change in California’s law, the only way a parent could share custodial rights with another guardian was if the parent was terminally ill, Guzman said.

If parents create a preparedness plan and identify an individual to assume guardianship of their children, the state child welfare agency can begin the process of placing the children with that individual without opening a formal foster care case, he added.

While Nevada lawmakers expanded an existing guardianship law last year to include immigration enforcement, the measure requires the parents to take the additional step of filing notarized paperwork with the secretary of state’s office, said Cristian Gonzalez-Perez, an attorney at Make the Road Nevada, a nonprofit that provides resources to immigrant communities.

Gonzalez-Perez said some immigrants are still hesitant to fill out government forms, out of fear that ICE might access their information and target them. He reassures community members that the state forms are secure and can be accessed only by hospitals and courts.

The Trump administration has taken through the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, the IRS, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, the Department of Housing and Urban Development, and other entities.

Gonzalez-Perez and Guzman said that not enough immigrant parents know their rights. Nominating a temporary guardian and creating a plan for their families is one way they can prevent feelings of helplessness, Gonzalez-Perez said.

“Folks don’t want to talk about it, right?” Guzman said. “The parent having to speak to a child about the possibility of separation, it’s scary. It’s not something anybody wants to do.”

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An elementary school teacher chose a low-price health insurance plan but soon realized she wasn’t clear about what it would mean for her family’s finances.

“Once I got the insurance card, I compared our old plan to our new plan, and that’s when I really got worried, because I didn’t really understand what a deductible was. It got me thinking, how do I use this insurance?”

— Madison Burgess, 31, of San Diego

When enhanced federal subsidies expired at the end of 2025, a lot of people buying their own health insurance on the state and federal exchanges saw their expected monthly rates jump. To keep costs down, many switched to a high-deductible health plan. These plans offer lower monthly payments, but in exchange patients can face steep out-of-pocket costs when they need care.

The plans are pretty common. In 2023, 30% of people who got insurance through their employer had a high-deductible plan, up from only 4% in 2006.

Madison Burgess, a teacher in San Diego, gets health insurance through her teaching job. But when she investigated adding her husband to her plan, it was just too expensive, so she started shopping on the exchange for a cheaper option for him.

The longer she scrolled through the plan options, the more overwhelming it felt. Insurance jargon made it hard to tell what her family would owe if her husband got sick.

“I didn’t know what a deductible was, so I just went with what was cheap, and now I have regret,” she said.

In exchange for that lower monthly premium payment, her husband’s coverage won’t kick in for most care until they’ve paid $5,800 in medical bills. Burgess didn’t know that the deductible must be met before insurance picks up part of the tab.

Deductible:

The amount you as the patient have to pay before insurance picks up part of the tab

Premium:

The monthly bill for your policy, paid to the insurance company

How do you prepare for thousands of dollars in upfront costs? One option is a health savings account, or HSA, which lets you save pretax money and is now available to people enrolled in lower-tier state and federal exchange plans, including bronze and catastrophic coverage. These plans generally have the lowest premiums on the exchange but the highest out-of-pocket costs when you need care.

Burgess had chosen a bronze plan and didn’t know HSAs were an option.

“I’ve never thought about having to put money away for a deductible,” she said.

Burgess and others are often more worried about socking away money for unexpected car and house repairs or vet bills.

If, like Burgess, you chose cheaper health coverage for this year only to discover you’re on the hook for meeting a high deductible, these tips can help you prepare.

1. You might qualify for an HSA and not know it.

If you’re enrolled in a bronze or catastrophic plan, you qualify to open a health savings account. Think of it as a medical piggy bank with tax perks. You put in pretax money, which lowers your taxable income. The money grows tax-free, and when you spend it on , those transactions are also tax-free. That’s what people call a “triple tax advantage.”

These accounts build a cushion for future health costs, such as doctor visits, prescriptions, and even products like over-the-counter medicine, tampons, and sunscreen.

The money typically can’t be used for monthly premiums, but the account is yours to use for qualified medical expenses for yourself, your spouse, or your dependents anytime in the future. The money in the account is yours, even if you change jobs or health plans.

An HSA is not the same as a flexible spending account, or FSA. FSAs are tax-advantaged too but are offered only through employers. The money expires annually and you lose any remaining money when you leave that job.

2. HSA-curious? Here’s how to open one.

You open a health savings account through a bank or other financial institution. The institution will issue you a debit card so you can make purchases from the HSA.

You can at any point during the year as long as you’re covered by an eligible plan. You can choose where to open the account, but be sure to check for any fees financial institutions charge and shop around.

If you get insurance through your job, your employer may require you to use a specific IRS-approved company.

Many people decide they can’t afford to contribute to an HSA. For some households, the desire to set aside money for medical expenses competes with the need to pay rent and buy groceries.

But there’s a detail that can make it feel more manageable. Contributions don’t have to be large. Just a few dollars a month can get you started.

There is, however, a limit. The IRS sets an annual cap on how much you’re allowed to contribute to an HSA. In 2026, an individual is limited to $4,400, or $8,750 for a family plan. Under that ceiling, the amount is up to you.

3. Preventive services should be covered at no cost to you.

All plans sold on marketplaces must cover at no cost to the patient as long as the care is provided in-network. Those services include routine immunizations and cancer screenings.

Beyond preventive care, understanding what different services cost can help you decide which type of medical appointment works best for your health needs and your wallet. For example, some plans charge less for a telehealth visit than to see your primary care doctor in person.

Check out your for more details.

4. Seek care early in the year.

Most deductibles reset on Jan. 1. Scheduling appointments or surgeries early in the year can be strategic if you discover a condition that requires ongoing care. If you can afford it, meeting your deductible sooner can make the rest of the year significantly cheaper, said Caitlin Donovan, a senior director at the Patient Advocate Foundation.

5. Consider paying cash instead of spending down your deductible.

Some hospitals, clinics, or other providers offer cheaper prices if you pay cash. You have the and explanation of how much a health service would cost if you paid out-of-pocket. Ask for the estimate before you get care. Then, compare that price with what your insurance company tells you it would cost if you used your insurance. If you decide to go with a cash payment, you’ll need to pay while you’re still at the doctor’s office, before charges get submitted to your insurance company.

Paying cash may save you money, but the amount you pay generally won’t count toward your deductible or out-of-pocket maximum.

“If you don’t think you’re ever going to hit your deductible — you’re that young invincible, and your deductible is $10,000 — negotiate the cash price,” Donovan said.

6. On an ACA plan? Update your income and use an HSA to avoid a tax surprise.

If you’re on an ACA plan and you’re eligible for subsidies, be aware: If your and you don’t update your marketplace application, you could owe thousands of dollars at tax time. The . Report raises, new jobs, or side gigs as they happen. If your income goes up, stashing money in an HSA can help because the money you put in the account doesn’t count toward your taxable income.

As soon as you report an increase in your income, that could mean higher premiums (if you no longer qualify for the same subsidy), but experts say it’s better to pay now than owe a big bill that you have to pay all at once.

“One of the biggest problems I see is someone is newly unemployed and they sign up for coverage, they say that they’re not making any money, and then eventually they get a job and don’t report it, and then they have this huge tax bill at the end,” Donovan said.

She advises updating your marketplace profile as soon as your income changes, which could newly qualify you for Medicaid or a plan that contributes more toward your medical bills.

Taylor Cook contributed to this report.

Health Care Helpline helps you navigate the health system hurdles between you and good care. Send us your tricky question and we may tap a policy sleuth to puzzle it out. Share your story. The crowdsourced project is a joint production of NPR and Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News.

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OAKLAND, Calif. — Rosa María Carranza leaned forward to hold a 3-year-old’s back as the girl climbed a rock in the forested hills of northeast Oakland.

Dressed in hiking gear and beaded necklaces, Carranza, 67, maneuvered between trees and children on a sunny morning in December. “Hold on to that branch,” she said in Spanish. “You can do it, my love!”

Carranza, a child development professional who grew up swinging through trees and swimming in rivers in El Salvador, said she feels at home in the forest at the outdoor preschool she co-founded. She has worked with children and teens as a caregiver and educator for more than three decades, long enough to know when to lean in and when to step back to let her students find their own footing.

When she transitioned to working part-time last year, Carranza counted on getting Medicare and Social Security checks — benefits given to American workers and lawfully present immigrants when they retire, work history and age or disability requirements. She’s contributed tens of thousands of dollars into Medicare and Social Security over 24 years, according to her Social Security Administration earnings record, reviewed by El Tímpano and Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News. But Carranza and an estimated immigrants will soon be cut out of Medicare.

The GOP’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act, signed last July by President Donald Trump, barred certain categories of lawfully present immigrants — including temporary protected status holders, refugees, asylum-seekers, survivors of domestic violence, trafficking victims, and people with work visas — from Medicare.

Those already in the program, like Carranza, will be disenrolled by Jan. 4 — a move by Republican lawmakers to rein in Medicare spending, as they and Trump have argued that taxpayer dollars should not be used to pay for the health care of immigrants in the U.S. without authorization.

“The Democrats want Illegal Aliens, many of them VIOLENT CRIMINALS, to receive FREE Healthcare,” Trump two months after he signed the bill into law. “We cannot let this happen!”

However, the categories of immigrants now losing coverage do have legal status. Neither the White House nor the Department of Health and Human Services responded to a question about whether it was fair to disenroll legal residents from Medicare.

Immigrants without legal status were already ineligible for Medicare or most other federally funded public benefits.

Carranza is worried that she could also lose legal permission to live in the United States if the Trump administration ends temporary protected status for Salvadorans, as it sought to do during .

If that happened, Carranza would lose legal residency, risking time in an immigration detention center or deportation.

“This is like a horror movie, a complete nightmare,” Carranza said. “This is not how I imagined getting old.”

‘Under Constant Attack’

Carranza left El Salvador in 1991 during a brutal civil war, leaving behind three young children, to earn money to send home to her family. She overstayed her visa until 2001, when she qualified for temporary protected status, after two earthquakes struck El Salvador, and displacing 1.3 million.

Temporary protected status, or TPS, was passed by Congress and signed into law by Republican President George H.W. Bush in 1990.

It allows people such as Carranza, from select nations undergoing armed conflict, civil war, and climate disasters, to live and work in the United States if being in their home country poses a risk.

Carranza missed her youngest daughter’s graduation from kindergarten and first medal-winning performance in track. She worked overnight shifts babysitting newborns and later substitute-taught in public schools in the San Francisco Bay Area to pay for her children’s schooling in El Salvador, and for her own classes at City College of San Francisco, where she earned a degree in child development.

And she cared for dozens of 3-, 4-, and 5-year-olds who gazed in awe as they uncovered little treasures buried in the redwood forest of the Oakland park where she co-founded Escuelita del Bosque, a Spanish immersion preschool that teaches children outdoors.

The trade-off was supposed to be a peaceful retirement. But Congress narrowed Medicare eligibility to citizens, lawful permanent residents, Cuban and Haitian nationals, and people covered under the Compacts of Free Association, agreements between the United States and Pacific island nations.

The move followed Trump’s efforts to bar some lawfully present immigrants from Medicaid, marketplace insurance subsidies, and social support services, such as food assistance, housing subsidies, and medical visits in federally funded health centers. Altogether, 1.4 million lawfully present immigrants were projected to lose health insurance, according to Â鶹ŮÓÅ, a health information nonprofit that includes Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News.

A spokesperson for House Speaker Mike Johnson, Taylor Haulsee, did not respond to requests for comment.

Michael Cannon, director of health policy studies at the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank, said Republicans wanted to enact tax cuts and eliminate health insurance for immigrants because it wouldn’t upset their base.

“They don’t want to turn the United States into a welfare magnet,” he said. “And they resent the government for making them pay for a welfare state.”

While data on lawfully present immigrants is not available, immigrants without legal status and $25.7 billion into Social Security in 2022, according to the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy. The Congressional Budget Office estimated that the Medicare restrictions alone would reduce federal spending by 2034.

Health experts say eliminating coverage for immigrants with legal status .

“This is actually the first time that Congress has taken away Medicare from any group,” said Drishti Pillai, director of immigrant health policy at Â鶹ŮÓÅ. “This change is impacting immigrants who have lawful presence in the U.S., and many of whom have already worked and paid into the system for decades.”

As older adults like Carranza lose their Medicare coverage, clinicians anticipate that they will delay their care, leading to an increase in severely ill patients, especially in hospital emergency rooms.

Seniors can become sick suddenly and quickly, and they are more vulnerable to cardiovascular diseases such as heart disease and high blood pressure, especially if they put off routine care, said Theresa Cheng, an emergency physician at Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital and assistant clinical professor of emergency medicine at the University of California-San Francisco.

“It’s quite easy for them to fall off the cliff,” Cheng said.

Carranza hikes and considers herself healthy, but she acknowledges that she is aging and starting to struggle to keep up with the kids in the forest.

Late last year she was diagnosed with high blood pressure, and in January she woke up with a tight chest and went to urgent care because it had spiked to dangerous levels. A few weeks later, she tripped on a curb while walking and fell to the ground. She woke up the next day with a swollen foot. A doctor at the local hospital told her she had arthritis.

These were scary moments, she said, but she was grateful to have to pay only $10 for the urgent care visit and $5 to see her primary care doctor. However, that will change when she loses Medicare by early next year.

The stress of knowing she will lose health insurance coverage, and potentially her legal status, all while masked federal agents are detaining immigrants like her across the country, has taken a toll on her mental health, she said. She is searching for a therapist and acupuncture services to treat her insomnia and anxiety — and the feeling that she is “under constant attack.”

Nowhere To Turn

In California, home to the largest number of , Carranza could have enrolled in state-sponsored insurance, but this year the state for adults 19 and older who are a TPS holder, in the U.S. without authorization, or an asylum-seeker. Other states with Democratic governors such as have also scaled back their health programs for immigrants amid budget pressures.

In January, California Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed a state budget that would not backfill federal health care cuts to about 200,000 lawfully present immigrants, noting the $1.1 billion annual price tag and state budget shortfalls.

“Given these fiscal pressures, the administration cannot backfill for this change in federal policy,” California Department of Finance spokesperson H.D. Palmer said.

But some Democratic lawmakers and consumer advocates say the state should step in. State Assembly member Mia Bonta, who chairs the Assembly’s health committee, said she is working on a legislative budget solution to bring immigrants who will lose health coverage, including older adults, into Medi-Cal, the state’s version of Medicaid.

The East Bay Democrat is especially concerned for people like Carranza, “who have lived here for decades and contributed into this economy, who have given into our cultural fabric and into our communities and who built families and lives and who are now wanting to be able to retire with dignity and live with dignity and have the health care that they need.”

A Sign of the Future

Last April, Carranza got a glimpse of what losing her health coverage and retirement benefits could look like, after the Social Security Administration sent her a letter informing her that she no longer qualified for retirement benefits because she was not lawfully present in the U.S. — even though she was. Then Medicare stopped payments to her health plan, which disenrolled her as a result.

As a TPS holder with a work permit, she knew a mistake had been made. Yet, without her check, Carranza didn’t have money to pay her rent for a month. She worked off her rent by babysitting her landlords’ children. Last May, the office of U.S. Rep. Lateefah Simon, an Oakland Democrat, helped Carranza recover her retirement benefits, but it took months for her to get her health insurance back.

The experience left her reeling.

“It’s like getting slapped on the face after more than 30 years working for the system here,” Carranza said. “And in return, this is what we have now.”

She lies awake at night imagining the future: here, where she’s spent half her life, without health insurance and possibly Social Security benefits; or in El Salvador, where two of her three children remain. Her daughter, a green-card holder who lives in Texas, hopes to become a citizen so she can petition for permanent residency for Carranza, but the process can take years. Then there’s the possibility she fears most: indefinite detention or deportation.

On a recent morning in her basement studio in Oakland, Carranza pulled a box from the back of her closet. In it was a thick stack of identification cards that included old driver’s licenses, her Social Security card, and dozens of work IDs issued by the federal government.

“My life is in that box,” she said.

This article was produced in collaboration with , a civic media organization serving and covering the Bay Area’s Latino and Mayan immigrant communities.

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Ollie’s parents, who adopted her in 2020, tried to sign her up for a clinical trial using — which genetically reprograms a patient’s white blood cells to help them fight cancer — at UNC Health in Chapel Hill, North Carolina, an hour-and-a-half drive from their home in Eden.

Her mother, Britany Super, described it as Ollie’s “last option.”

But in early March, Super recalled, UNC Health’s financial office told them the bad news: The state’s new insurance for kids in foster care wasn’t going to pay for the treatment.

In December, Ollie became one of hundreds of thousands of kids nationwide enrolled in a special kind of public health insurance for people served by the foster care system. That insurance, known as a specialized managed care plan, is part of Medicaid, the federal-state program that covers health costs for people with low incomes or disabilities.

North Carolina is one of 14 states with such specialized foster care plans, according to the National Academy for State Health Policy. The plans differ by state, but each is meant to expand coverage for children in the foster care system — and for kids who were adopted out of it, such as Ollie and her siblings.

Yet, as in other states that have struggled when adding such plans, North Carolina families have faced hurdles obtaining care. Thousands of doctors whose services were covered under Medicaid were not included in the specialized plan — which is costing the state $3.1 billion over four years — when it rolled out on Dec. 1. That left guardians and parents of kids adopted out of the system scrambling to figure out whether they would have to find new health care providers or new insurance.

In North Carolina, the insurance plan’s stumbles have added another layer of complication around health care issues. The state — like many others — is already over expected Medicaid cuts in the wake of congressional Republicans’ One Big Beautiful Bill Act. A separate Medicaid funding shortfall also prompted a push to cut care providers’ reimbursement rates.

Texas, which established its plan 18 years ago, that its foster families also had a hard time finding doctors on the insurance. In Florida, researchers for the state reported as early as 2016 that there was .

Illinois’ plan by the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services over a lack of access to care. Research concluded that California’s plan children with adequate mental health services. Georgia’s access problems alarmed state officials enough to calling for children to be removed from the plan and put back on other Medicaid plans.

But such specialized plans for kids in foster care continue to gain traction. Four states have started their own plans in the past five years, said , the senior director of children and family health at the National Academy for State Health Policy, and she said it’s likely more will adopt them soon.

showing how these programs are faring, Medicaid policy analysts said. It’s therefore difficult to know why they’ve run into rollout problems or whether they’ve improved access to care. That makes the plans risky, said , a research professor at Georgetown University’s Center for Children and Families.

“The states that are going in this direction, unless they have data to support it, are experimenting,” Schneider said. “They’re putting all their eggs in one basket, so they need to pay close attention.”

Rough Rollout

North Carolina’s specialized insurance plan for foster kids experienced problems the day it rolled out.

The state automatically enrolled Ollie and about 32,000 other people in , called . North Carolina officials had said the program would improve health care access for foster children, who often have medically complex needs and move frequently.

But foster families quickly began hearing that their health care providers were not taking the insurance, according to several families who recounted their experiences fighting to get their children’s procedures covered under the plan.

UNC Health, a state-run health system that is , with nearly 4,400 physicians, initially, which is why it told Super that Ollie’s CAR T-cell treatment wouldn’t be covered.

After more than two months of limbo for families, UNC Health ultimately in mid-March with Blue Cross Blue Shield of North Carolina, which runs the plan.

But some North Carolina doctors still don’t accept Healthy Blue insurance.

, interim deputy secretary for North Carolina’s Medicaid program, said her office to expand its network, even though it already has what she called an “adequate” number of providers. North Carolina’s health department and Blue Cross Blue Shield did not answer Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News’ questions about how many providers are covered by the new insurance.

“We welcome qualified providers who want to join,” said Blue Cross Blue Shield of North Carolina spokesperson Sara Lang.

Other problems . As thousands of health care records move over to a statewide database managed by Healthy Blue, children’s doctors are struggling to track their patients’ medical histories, said foster care advocates and pediatricians. Parents reported problems seeing health records, finding themselves locked out of online portals. Others couldn’t access prescriptions. Surgeries got delayed. Appointments were canceled.

“Network management for any plan is an ongoing process,” Lang said.

All this meant added red tape and heartache for the caregivers of children like Ollie with complex medical needs — those the .

Gearing Up

Cancer has been part of Ollie’s life since she was 2. She was in the process of getting adopted out of foster care when she began chemotherapy and radiation treatments, then received two stem cell transplants, Super recalled.

Surgeons installed temporary tubes in a vein near her heart and a feeding tube in her abdomen. Her hair fell out as the treatment intensified, and a thin layer of skin peeled off, forcing her new family to wear surgical gowns and gloves when they wanted to be close.

“She doesn’t remember life outside of going to doctors and being in a hospital,” Super said.

Ollie still has a port in her chest ready for whenever she needs intravenous medicine, and her monthly doctor appointments are about to become weekly. During an emergency room visit in mid-March, doctors told Super her daughter’s cancer had spread. Ollie will need more chemotherapy before her body is ready for the more advanced treatment.

But the Supers, thrown into uncertainty for more than two months, still feel some relief. They’re preparing for back-and-forth drives for the CAR T-cell therapy treatments in Chapel Hill. And they’re grateful, even if it means Ollie will spend at least five more weeks in and out of a hospital.

Reliable health insurance will be vital for Ollie, and Healthy Blue leaders said they are talking with doctors, parents, and others to make sure the plan is working. Her procedures carry multimillion-dollar price tags, her mother said, but having her bills seamlessly covered allows the family to focus on Ollie’s treatment.

“The biggest challenges for her will be in the first few months of the study,” said Super, who knows the therapy’s side effects include fever, fatigue, and confusion. “But I’m hoping that after that, the CAR T-cells will do their job and fight the cancer and she can continue to have a playful, active life.”

That means, they hope, the girl could be at home more often with her five siblings and the three family dogs, including Remy, a border collie mix who is Ollie’s favorite.

Super relishes those precious moments for her daughter — “being a kid and doing kid things.”

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He was already thinking about delaying it — then his monthly Obamacare insurance premium payment tripled this year to $2,460, about a third of his income, he said. And with a $2,700 deductible, he’d be on the hook for most of the diagnostic exam, a financial hit he said he couldn’t stomach.

“It was going to cost close to $3,000,” said Galvin, who lives in North Kingstown, Rhode Island, and recently retired as director of a durable medical equipment company. “I put it off.”

Galvin said his wife, Nancy, is delaying a costly CT scan for a few years until she too qualifies for Medicare, so it can foot the bill. The federal health program offers coverage for all Americans 65 and older.

People on Affordable Care Act plans nearing retirement age experienced some of the largest price increases following the expiration of enhanced federal subsidies at the end of December. Those with incomes above 400% of the federal poverty level — — had been getting help paying for the plans since the Biden administration expanded the subsidies during the covid-19 pandemic. Adults ages 50 through 64 of those ACA enrollees.

Now, without that federal financial help, some in this age group say they’re wrestling with whether to delay care until they qualify for Medicare. Not only does that put their physical health at risk, said patient advocates, doctors, and health policy researchers, but it potentially just shifts the costs — and could lead to taxpayers’ footing even bigger bills to fix health issues that worsen amid the delays.

“There’s going to be a lot of pent-up demand and unmet need,” said , a health policy consultant who worked in the Obama and Biden administrations. “Medicare is going to have to spend a whole heck of a lot of money covering and dealing with their treatment.”

The Affordable Care Act has been a key source of health care coverage for people 50 through 64. Access to Obamacare plans helped cut the uninsured rate for this age group by half, , a lobbying group that represents older adults. That allowed some people to retire early while keeping coverage. It also has provided a safety net for and those with jobs that don’t offer health insurance.

Last fall, the occurred amid an unsuccessful effort by Democrats to extend the enhanced subsidies. Republicans opposing the extension had said the assistance went to insurers, incentivizing fraud and wasteful coverage.

The issue will continue to have political relevance, especially in this year’s midterm elections, including among older Americans who reliably show up to the polls, said Republican strategist , who runs the Atlas Strategy Group.

“Is affordability going to be an issue? Absolutely,” he said. “Are health care prices going to factor into that? Yes.”

Even before the subsidies expired, the costs of medical care, nursing homes, and prescription drugs were among the top health-related concerns for people over 50, a found.

Middle-aged adults with Obamacare plans acutely feel the pinch of the expired subsidies, because to charge adults in their 60s up to three times as much for premiums as those in their 20s, who generally use fewer medical services.

And many middle-aged adults were already enrolled in the lowest-cost plans available, which leaves them without cheaper options to fall back on, said , a policy analyst with Â鶹ŮÓÅ, a health information nonprofit that includes Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News.

“This is very dire for the older marketplace enrollees,” he said.

Someone making a few dollars over 400% of the federal poverty level earns too much to get a subsidy now, and in some states average premium payments were due to for this group. Many people are seeing yearly rate increases of thousands of dollars, with premium payments totaling as much as a quarter of their incomes.

, a primary care physician and health policy researcher at the University of Michigan, said he has regular conversations with older patients who are trying to figure out how to afford their medical care. Some in their early 60s are likely to drop ACA coverage because of rising premiums, he said.

“That’s a gamble,” he added.

Marci Heinbaugh may take that bet. The 63-year-old social services worker, who lives in rural Illinois, said her monthly premium payments more than doubled, from roughly $1,100 to $2,333, for a plan with a $10,150 out-of-pocket maximum.

She knew she’d be paying more, she said, but wasn’t anticipating that kind of increase. A few months in, she’s not sure if she’ll stick with the plan for the rest of the year. She said she may go uninsured.

“I’m petrified to even think about that,” Heinbaugh said.

People want to buy their own insurance on the marketplace, and many middle-aged adults could afford it with just a little federal financial help, said , senior vice president of public policy at AARP. Those who drop coverage or delay care until they reach age 65 might save money now, but that could be more costly for them — and taxpayers — later.

“There’s significant possibility that the purported savings associated with reducing subsidies as people approach retirement end up turning into higher utilization costs for Medicare,” Weil said.

And Medicare enrollees aren’t insulated from rising costs. In January, for example, standard Medicare from $185 per month to almost $203.

Until Galvin joins Medicare, he said, he expects to burn through a $30,000 retirement account to cover his marketplace plan’s premium payments and deductible.

A found that 1 in 5 adults over 50 had no retirement savings and 3 in 5 were worried they wouldn’t have enough retirement savings to support themselves.

The expiration of these Obamacare subsidies puts additional financial pressure on Americans as they approach retirement, health policy researchers said.

“It’s forcing people to make impossible choices,” said , director of federal health advocacy for the national nonprofit Justice in Aging.

Are you struggling to afford your health insurance? Have you decided to forgo coverage? to contact Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News and share your story.

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The , the public health insurance program that pairs state and federal money. Federal officials have announced unprecedented actions in Minnesota this year, declaring they could withhold over $2 billion in payments slated for the state and claw back nearly $260 million from last year.

The actions in Minnesota came as part of the administration’s declared crackdown on fraud, but critics have likened them to using a bludgeon instead of a scalpel, probably harming patients who rely on Medicaid for care but are not responsible for fraud in the program.

“It’s going to hurt a lot of people if they end up going through with this,” said Sumukha Terakanambi, a 27-year-old who has Duchenne muscular dystrophy and works as a public policy consultant with the Minnesota Council on Disability.

“Of course we support going after fraud,” Terakanambi said, but “this overly aggressive action is missing the point. It’s not punishing fraudsters. It’s punishing the people.”

Longtime Medicaid observers also doubt the federal actions will achieve their purported objective.

, a senior managing director with the consulting firm Manatt, that actions of this magnitude by the federal government are unprecedented, partly because punitive measures against states have “really never been an effective way to address fraud.”

Meanwhile, fraud prosecutions as the U.S. attorney’s office there grapples with the exodus of nearly half its attorneys and a surge in cases from the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown.

Despite these concerns, Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services head Mehmet Oz said the techniques the federal government is using in Minnesota could be applied to other states, and he has launched social media campaigns alleging high-dollar public benefit fraud in , , , and . And a February release of by the Trump administration’s Department of Government Efficiency appears to be part of a campaign to paint the program as riddled by fraud, Guyer said.

, a research professor at Georgetown University’s Center for Children and Families, said that campaign by the administration seems particularly focused on services designed to keep people with disabilities out of institutions, and he described withholding $2 billion from Minnesota’s Medicaid program as “.”

A ‘Political Football’

Scrutiny of Minnesota’s public benefit programs began early in the Biden administration, years before the most recent investigations. The spotlight on the state’s Medicaid system grew after FBI raids in December 2024.

The following May, an into Medicaid housing stabilization services in Minnesota prompted further scrutiny from federal prosecutors, and from Gov. Tim Walz.

Under the Democratic governor, the state launched investigations into 85 autism providers, ordered a third-party audit of 14 types of Medicaid services deemed to be “high-risk” for fraud, and delayed payments for those services for up to 90 days. Many of the services are ones people with disabilities receive at home, making them more difficult to monitor.  

Terakanambi worried the state’s “heavy-handed approach” would destabilize the entire home care system. While his own care was not disrupted — his parents provide the 10 hours of daily personal care he qualifies for through Medicaid — other Minnesotans with disabilities have said they experienced interruptions and .

In December, one man was after losing his in-home care services amid the crackdown.

“We’re losing sight of the people that have done nothing wrong, that rely on these supports and services to live in the community,” said Sue Schettle, chief executive of , a Minnesota nonprofit that represents organizations supporting people with disabilities. “It becomes a political football.”

Schettle said she took her concerns about the crackdown to state officials, who have since met routinely with her and other advocates. The subsequent federal actions, however, have left her “shell-shocked,” she said.

The ‘Nuclear Option’

In December, a , with help from state Republicans, supercharged the issue in Minnesota, alleging widespread fraud in child care centers owned by members of the Somali community. A follow-up state investigation of the child care centers that were featured in the video determined that all were “.”

On Jan. 6, CMS’ Oz sent Walz a letter alleging Minnesota’s Medicaid program was out of compliance with federal rules on fraud, waste, and abuse, setting the stage for the Trump administration’s move to withhold over $2 billion in federal Medicaid funds to Minnesota this year, about 18% of what the state received the year before.

Minnesota is appealing.

The Republican-aligned Paragon Health Institute, a think tank that recently published a calling for similar enforcement actions across the country, applauded the federal moves.

“That will spur states to take necessary action, thus ensuring that Medicaid funds go to those who are truly eligible,” said , a legal research analyst who co-authored the brief.

Georgetown’s Schneider questioned the necessity and effectiveness of withholding the money.

“I don’t see any relationship between that and actually reducing fraud against the Minnesota Medicaid program, given the state has already taken a lot of action,” he said.

In late February, Oz went further, announcing that on top of withholding $2 billion in future payments to Minnesota, the administration was in federal Medicaid payments to the state.

“We have notified the state that we will give them the money, but we are going to hold it and only release it after they propose and act on a comprehensive corrective action plan to solve the problem,” Oz said at with Vice President JD Vance.

Minnesota the deferment in court.

“We’re waiting for feedback from CMS on our corrective action plan, which is why we were surprised and confused when Dr. Oz said in a news conference with the vice president last week that we needed to provide one,” Minnesota Medicaid director John Connolly said at a March 3 news briefing.

‘Another Minnesota’

Oz and Vance both said during the February news conference that they are not specifically targeting Democratic-led states. Oz noted Florida has a “big fraud problem” and in mid-March sent a letter to state officials with a list of questions about their Medicaid program. Until then, the letters and most of Oz’s social media videos had been limited to California, Maine, and New York, all led by Democrats.

“We might have another Minnesota on our hands,” Oz said in posted the same day as sent to Maine Gov. Janet Mills, a Democrat, requesting information on how the state was addressing Medicaid fraud.

“And if we’re not satisfied with their progress, we reserve the right to cut off payments entirely,” Oz said in the video.

The video and letter were prompted by a in Maine that found the state had made at least $45.6 million in improper Medicaid payments. Similar audits in , , and had comparable findings.

In , Mills called Oz’s letter a “pretense to send ICE and other weaponized federal agents into states led by Democrats.”

CMS spokesperson Chris Krepich said the agency does not take funding actions lightly. “The focus is on strengthening oversight, improving accountability, and ensuring that vulnerable patients receive the services they are entitled to,” Krepich said.

But Terakanambi said it’s not difficult to see how federal actions like those in Minnesota could put services in jeopardy. The amount of money Minnesota could lose from the CMS actions announced this year is already equivalent to about two-thirds of the state’s rainy-day fund.

Many states are looking to or even funding for home care services over much smaller budget shortfalls. And further cuts are anticipated, with congressional Republicans’ One Big Beautiful Bill Act, signed into law last year, expected to reduce federal Medicaid spending by more than $900 billion over the next decade.

“People will die,” Terakanambi said. “People will lose critical supports and will no longer be able to participate in their community the way they want to.”

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Two bills moving through the state Senate seek to prevent immigration enforcement officers from isolating patients from their loved ones and interfering with their ability to get legal help. Analyses for both bills cite reporting by Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News that found family members and attorneys have faced extreme difficulty locating and supporting patients hospitalized while in immigration custody.

Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News found that some hospitals have facilitated patient isolation through what are known as blackout policies, which can include registering people under pseudonyms, withholding their names from the hospital directory, and preventing staff from contacting patients’ relatives to let them know their location and condition.

A bill by Democratic state Sen. Caroline Menjivar of the San Fernando Valley, , would largely prohibit the use of blackout policies for patients in immigration custody and ensure they retain the right to have their families and others notified of their whereabouts and condition. Blackout policies would be allowed when the health care provider determines the patient is a credible risk to themself or others and the risk is documented in the patient’s medical record. Patients would also be allowed to receive visitors.

It seeks to address reports of Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents guarding patients in their hospital rooms while they undergo medical exams or talk with doctors, interfering with medical decisions, and pushing for patients to be discharged prematurely to detention facilities ill-equipped to provide follow-up care.

“These are actions that have no place in health care, and it is a clear violation of the patients’ rights,” Menjivar said.

Under Menjivar’s proposal, agents would not be allowed into the rooms of patients they bring in for care unless they can show legal authorization to be there. If agents remain in the room, staff would be required to ask them to leave during medical exams and patient care discussions. If agents refuse, health care facility staff would need to document it.

, authored by state Sen. Susan Rubio, a Democrat from the San Gabriel Valley, would require health care providers to inform staff and relevant volunteers to respond when patients want their families to know where they are, and to post a notice at facility entrances with information about visitation and access policies. The law already says patients can agree to have loved ones notified they’re in the hospital, and Rubio’s bill seeks to make sure staff and others know they can do that for patients in immigration custody.

The federal Department of Homeland Security, which oversees immigration enforcement, did not respond to a request for comment.

Both bills were passed by the Senate Health and Judiciary committees along party lines and will be heard next by the Senate Appropriations Committee.

More than 20 immigrant rights advocates and health care workers voiced support for strengthened protections for patients at a hearing last week.

“This state must do everything in its power to protect against these abuses and ensure detainees have the right to contact their loved ones when they are hospitalized and in critical conditions,” said Hector Pereyra, political manager with the Inland Coalition for Immigrant Justice.

However, representatives from the California Hospital Association and California Medical Association told lawmakers last week they had concerns that directing health care workers to document agents’ badge numbers and ask them to leave patients’ rooms could create conflict and pose a safety risk.

“While we understand that this is an important issue, we want to ensure the bill strikes the right balance and does not create conflicting or unclear obligations for hospitals and their staff and clinicians, particularly in real-time interactions with federal officers,” said Vanessa Gonzalez, a vice president of state advocacy for the hospital association.

Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News reported that one man, 43-year-old Julio César Peña, was held at a hospital in Victorville for almost two weeks before his attorney and family found out where he was. Peña, who had terminal kidney disease, was shackled to his hospital bed, guarded by immigration agents, and told he wasn’t allowed to disclose his location, according to his wife. He then suffered a seizure that left him intubated and unconscious, but no one notified his family. Peña died Feb. 25, less than two months after he was released to go home.

Advocates for immigrants and health care workers, as well as lawmakers, fear similar incidents are happening around the state.

Menjivar said her bill “seeks to close the gap between existing law and practice by empowering health care provider entities with the tools to uphold the privacy, health, and visitation rights of a patient brought in under immigration custody.”

SB 915 would prohibit hospitals and clinics from allowing immigration officers to make medical decisions for the patient or provide interpretation. Health care facilities would be required to document and verify, “to the extent possible,” the identities of immigration officers; provide patients access to communication tools; and inform patients of their rights. They would also need to complete discharge planning that includes attempts to coordinate with any receiving facility, such as a detention center, to ensure patients receive follow-up care.

The bills come on the heels of legislation passed last year that sought to limit immigration enforcement at health care facilities, including by prohibiting medical establishments from allowing federal agents without a valid search warrant or court order into private areas. However, that bill did not address situations in which patients are already in immigration custody.

“ICE has instilled fear in our hospitals and has kept us from doing our job,” said SatKartar Khalsa, an emergency medicine resident at a safety net hospital in San Francisco who has treated detained patients and testified in support of SB 915. “This has all led to worse care for our patients and has added another layer of fear among health care workers.”

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The lawsuit, settled on confidential terms last year, blamed not only the managers of City Creek Post-Acute and Assisted Living but also the building’s owner, a real estate investment trust, or REIT.

In the year Darby died, City Creek paid CareTrust REIT more than $1 million in rent, while the Sacramento, California, nursing home ran a deficit, court records show.

Federal tax rules ban REITs from running health care facilities, but CareTrust was not an absentee landlord either, according to internal records filed in the case. It chose the nursing home’s management company and required through the lease that the home keep at least 80% of beds occupied. CareTrust granularly tracked how well the home kept to its financial plan, down to the money spent monthly on nurses and food, the records said. And the documents showed that the real estate company kept tabs on government safety inspection findings and Medicare quality ratings.

Both CareTrust and the nursing home operator denied liability for Darby’s death. CareTrust officials said in court papers that it is not involved in day-to-day nursing home decisions or patient care, and that it monitors facilities to ensure nothing jeopardizes rent payments. In a written statement, CareTrust Corporate Counsel Joseph Layne told Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News: “We are the property owners, not the operators.”

Landlords With Influence

Over the past decade, real estate investment trusts have bought thousands of buildings that house nursing homes, hospitals, assisted living facilities, and medical offices. A Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News examination of court filings and corporate records shows that these landlords have more influence than the health care facilities publicly acknowledge.

The documents reveal REITs often select the management who oversee the operations and leave them in place even when they are aware of threadbare staffing, floundering governance, repeated safety violations, or other problems that hamper quality of care. A California jury in March awarded $92 million in punitive damages against a former REIT over the death of a 100-year-old resident with dementia who froze to death outside her assisted living facility.

“The REITs are in charge,” said Laraclay Parker, one of the lawyers who represent Darby’s daughter.

Absence of Oversight

Despite their ubiquity, REITs remain invisible to state and federal health regulators. Hospitals and nursing homes are not required to disclose rent payments or landlord identities in the annual reports they submit to Medicare.

Under President Donald Trump, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services a Biden-era requirement that nursing homes . Catherine Howden, a CMS spokesperson, said in a statement that the agency does not regulate facilities based on their tax status or corporate form and instead focuses on the quality of the care they provide.

REITs now of the nation’s senior housing, which includes assisted living, memory care, and independent living, according to an industry analysis. REITs also hold investments in nursing homes. Publicly traded REITs that focus on health care are now worth nearly a quarter of a trillion dollars, according to Nareit, an industry association.

While one research study found REIT investments were associated with , another concluded that after being bought by REITs, nursing homes frequently with less skilled nurses and aides. A concluded that health inspection results were worse after REIT investment.

Researchers also found that investor-owned hospital chains that sold buildings to REITs were or go bankrupt, with Steward Health Care. Often, private equity investors kept the sale proceeds as profits while the hospitals were burdened with new rent costs. “There were no improvements in clinical outcomes,” said Thomas Tsai, an associate professor at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health.

REITs are required to distribute most of their income and don’t have to pay the 21% federal corporate income tax on it. There is a catch: A REIT that “directly or indirectly operates or manages” a health care facility for five years. Typically, a REIT leases the property to another company that runs the nursing home or assisted living facility and maintains its tax break. Nareit said health care REITs distributed more than $7 billion in dividends in 2024.

Michael Stroyeck, head of health care analysis at Green Street, a real estate research company, said “there’s definitely a symbiotic relationship” between REITs and facility managers because they have the same goals. He said he has seen REITs replace operators that are having difficulties or go bankrupt.

John Kane, a senior vice president at the American Health Care Association and the National Center for Assisted Living, an industry group that represents nursing homes, said in a statement: “Given government funding often falls short, REITs have been valuable partners in helping to invest in long term care without influencing daily operations.”

Low Staffing at a Chain

Strawberry Fields REIT, which like CareTrust trades on the New York Stock Exchange, owns or controls the buildings of 131 nursing home facilities. The nursing home operations inside 66 of those facilities are owned by Moishe Gubin, Strawberry Fields’ chief executive, and Michael Blisko, one of its directors, according to Strawberry Fields’ for last year.

Gubin and Blisko also jointly own , which manages their nursing homes; Blisko is Infinity’s CEO. On average, Infinity-affiliated nursing homes provided an hour and a quarter less nursing care per resident per day than the national average of four hours, a Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News analysis of federal records found.

Infinity and several of its nursing homes have recently settled 30 death and injury lawsuits in Cook County, Illinois, totaling more than $4 million, said Margaret Battersby Black, a Chicago lawyer. A jury last year awarded $12 million in a lawsuit brought against Infinity and one of its Chicago nursing homes over the 2023 death of Shirley Adams. A retired candy factory worker, Adams died after developing infected bedsores at Lakeview Rehabilitation and Nursing Center, according to the lawsuit.

“She had wounds that no one could explain,” one of her adult children, Leslie Adams, testified at trial. Medicare its lowest quality rating, one star out of five.

Paul Connery, a lawyer for Adams’ family, said they are still trying to collect on the judgment against the nursing home and management company, which now totals $17 million with interest and attorney fees.

“If I get caught speeding and I went to court, they issue me a ticket and I’ve got a fine to pay,” Adams said in an interview. “How are they able to still continue to move on with business like nothing has happened?”

In a phone interview and an email, Gubin said Strawberry Fields, Infinity, and the nursing homes are all legally distinct and that he has not played an active role in Infinity in more than a decade. He said nursing homes get sued all the time but that the verdict against Lakeview is so large that it will force the home to declare bankruptcy or shut down.

“The whole thing is unfortunate,” Gubin said by phone. “For 15 years they were a perfectly good guardian” and “a well-run building,” he said. “You wouldn’t think it was fair to be judged on your worst day.”

Blisko and an Infinity lawyer did not respond to requests for comment.

Strawberry Fields, which owns 10 assisted living facilities and two long-term care hospitals in addition to the nursing homes, earned net income last year of from $155 million in rent, a 21% profit margin, securities filings show. Gubin said those weren’t excessive returns.

A $110 Million Verdict

Traditionally, REIT leases make the operating companies responsible for paying property taxes, insurance premiums, and maintenance costs. In 2008, Congress gave health care REITs a new option to make money: On top of collecting rents, they could set up subsidiaries and take profits directly from health care businesses. They still must have independent management overseeing care decisions. Many REITs have embraced the role even though the subsidiaries must pay corporate taxes and risk losing money if the businesses do poorly.

Colony Capital was a REIT that through layers of shell corporations owned both the building and the operation of Greenhaven Estates, a Sacramento assisted living and memory care facility. In 2018 Greenhaven paid Colony $1.4 million in rent, nearly a third of its $4.5 million in revenue that year, according to financial records filed in court.

Greenhaven also was on the verge of losing its license, according to a revocation notice filed in November 2018 by the California Department of Social Services. Greenhaven had racked up years of health violations, including from letting untrained workers administer medications, lacking enough employees to care for people with dementia, and neglecting a resident who smeared feces over his body, bed, floor, and bathroom, the notice said.

In February 2019, a few weeks after celebrating her 100th birthday, Mildred Hernandez, a resident with Alzheimer’s, wandered out of Greenhaven in the middle of the night. Her assisted living wing had no exit door alarms even though it housed several residents with dementia, court records showed. Berta Lepe, one of Greenhaven’s caregivers, found Hernandez under a bush, wearing only a shirt and underwear. The temperature was in the 30s.

“She was talking, but I couldn’t understand what she was saying,” Lepe testified at trial over a lawsuit from Hernandez’s family. Hernandez died of hypothermia a few hours later, according to her death certificate.

Frontier Management, the company that Colony had hired to manage Greenhaven, denied liability and settled the lawsuit on undisclosed terms.

Since the lawsuit, Colony has changed its name to DigitalBridge, which no longer owns Greenhaven and gave up its REIT status. At trial earlier this year, DigitalBridge said resident care was the responsibility of Frontier and that Colony “encouraged” Frontier to address problems. Richard Welch, a former Colony executive, testified that replacing management is disruptive. “I viewed it as a last resort,” he said.

In March, a jury awarded Hernandez’s family $110 million: $10 million in compensatory damages, $92 million in punitive damages against DigitalBridge, and $8 million in punitive damages against Formation Capital, an asset management company.

“REIT money is very detached from knowing about or caring about patient or resident outcomes, because it’s not in their business model,” Ed Dudensing, a lawyer for the family, said in an interview. “Their allegiance is to their investors.”

DigitalBridge has asked the judge to delay finalizing the judgment while its legal challenges to the lawsuit and the verdict are evaluated. A DigitalBridge attorney and a corporate spokesperson did not respond to requests for comment, a Formation attorney declined comment, and a Frontier attorney and a spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment.

‘Wet From Head to Toe’

When CareTrust bought City Creek Post-Acute and Assisted Living in 2019, the Sacramento nursing home where Pearlene Darby lived had a one-star Medicare rating and was losing money. CareTrust leased the building to a management company called Kalesta Healthcare Group based on the business plan Kalesta submitted.

While CareTrust was not the operator, it held periodic phone calls with Kalesta, which provided “a full update of what’s happening at the facility,” including changes in leadership, financial progress, and health inspection survey results, according to deposition testimony by Ryan Williams, a Kalesta co-founder.

According to a state inspection report, in 2020, the year Darby died, City Creek left a resident in soiled linens “wet from head to toe lying in bed” for more than eight hours. During a different visit, a health inspector cited the home after watching a nurse put a dirty diaper back onto a resident after caring for a wound. “It was just a small stool and it is far from where the wound is,” the nurse told the inspector, according to the report.

James Callister, CareTrust’s chief investment officer, said in his deposition that CareTrust officials “review results of regulatory surveys provided to us by the tenant. We review the five-star rating.” He said, “We evaluate results of care, but we do not evaluate types of care given or how or when, no.”

Darby had been living in City Creek since 2011 after a stroke left her in a wheelchair. She needed help getting in and out of bed. From September through November 2020, Darby lost 30 pounds, her family’s lawsuit alleged. During those months, employees dropped her three times as one worker rather than the required two operated the mechanical lift, the lawsuit said.

The suit alleged City Creek failed to reposition her every two hours in bed or her wheelchair, which is the clinical standard for people at risk of bedsores, and to promptly order devices to protect her skin.

In November, the nursing home sent Darby to the hospital. A blood test found bacteria had entered her bloodstream from her feces’ touching open skin wounds, according to the lawsuit. The hospital diagnosed her with sepsis. A surgeon said she needed an operation to redirect fecal waste from her intestines but concluded she wasn’t medically stable enough for surgery, the suit said.

Darby began receiving comfort care measures and was sent back to City Creek. She died two weeks later. In court filings, CareTrust and Kalesta denied the allegations.

In a phone interview, Williams, the Kalesta co-founder, said Darby’s death occurred during the most challenging point of the covid pandemic, when California rules required any nurses testing positive for the virus to be sent home and nurses were quitting out of fear for their health. “It was the most herculean of professional efforts to secure enough staff,” he said.

While expressing sympathy for Darby and her family, he said it was “unconscionable” that personal injury lawyers sued nursing homes over care failures during “the worst of times.”

In court, CareTrust petitioned Judge Richard Miadich to dismiss it from the lawsuit before trial. “This case does not concern a property condition,” CareTrust’s lawyers wrote. “CareTrust is simply a landlord.” But the judge ruled last year a jury should decide whether CareTrust “exercised actual control over City Creek.”

The case was settled out of court a few months later. All parties declined to reveal the settlement terms.

A 67% Profit

As recently as November 2023 — four years after its acquisition — City Creek earned one star from Medicare. It was cited for failing to have the minimum nursing home staffing required by California law during five of 24 randomly selected days in 2022, according to an inspection report. Williams said in the interview that Kalesta had increased spending on nursing over the course of its ownership, including boosting wages, but that it takes a year or two to turn around a troubled nursing home. He said the home’s star rating in 2023 was dragged down by its poor inspection history from before Kalesta took over.

City Creek’s rating has climbed in the past two years, and it now has the top overall rating of five, according to Medicare. Medicare rates City Creek’s current staffing levels as average. That’s better than most nursing homes in more than 200 buildings CareTrust bought before 2025, according to a Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News analysis of federal data. On average, CareTrust nursing homes provided a half hour less nursing care per resident per day than the national average of four hours.

In its statement to Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News, CareTrust’s counsel Layne said the REIT worked to “identify quality operators as tenants,” and that the homes the REIT rents out have more nurses and aides than the minimum required for nursing homes by their state governments. “The operators are licensed by state regulators and retain sole responsibility for operations,” the statement said.

CareTrust, which now owns more than 500 senior housing and nursing home buildings, reported net income last year of $320 million from in rents and other revenue — a 67% profit margin. By comparison, HCA Healthcare, one of the nation’s largest for-profit hospital and health care chains, for last year.

Lesley Ann Clement, one of Darby’s lawyers, said cases like hers show the nursing home industry is wrong to complain it lacks financial resources for more staffing.

“There’s plenty of money,” Clement said. “They’re just not spending it on patient care.”

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If you or someone you know may be experiencing a mental health crisis, contact the 988 Suicide & Crisis Lifeline by dialing or texting “988.”

Vince Lahey of Carefree, Arizona, embraces chatbots. From Big Tech products to “shady” ones, they offer “someone that I could share more secrets with than my therapist.”

He especially likes the apps for feedback and support, even though sometimes they berate him or lead him to fight with his ex-wife. “I feel more inclined to share more,” Lahey said. “I don’t care about their perception of me.”

There are a lot of people like Lahey.

Demand for mental health care has grown. Self-reported poor mental health days rose by 25% since the 1990s, analyzing survey data. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, suicide rates in 2022 that hadn’t been seen in nearly 80 years.

There are many patients who find a nonhuman therapist, powered by artificial intelligence, highly appealing — more appealing than a human with a reclining couch and stern manner. with begging for a therapist who’s “not on the clock,” who’s less judgmental, or who’s just less expensive.

Most people who need care don’t get it, said Tom Insel, former head of the National Institute of Mental Health, citing his former agency’s research. Of those who do, 40% receive “minimally acceptable care.”

“There’s a massive need for high-quality therapy,” he said. “We’re in a world in which the status quo is really crappy, to use a scientific term.”

Insel said engineers from OpenAI told him last fall that about 5% to 10% of the company’s then-roughly 800 million-strong user base rely on ChatGPT for mental health support.

Polling suggests these AI chatbots may be even more popular among young adults. A Â鶹ŮÓÅ poll found about 3 in 10 respondents ages 18 to 29 for mental or emotional health advice in the past year. Uninsured adults were about twice as likely as insured adults to report using AI tools. And nearly 60% of adult respondents who used a chatbot for mental health didn’t follow up with a flesh-and-blood professional.

The App Will Put You on the Couch

A burgeoning industry of apps offers AI therapists with human-like, often unrealistically attractive avatars serving as a sounding board for those experiencing anxiety, depression, and other conditions.

Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News identified some 45 AI therapy apps in Apple’s App Store in March. While many charge steep prices for their services — one listed an annual plan for $690 — they’re still generally cheaper than talk therapy, which can cost hundreds of dollars an hour without insurance coverage.

On the App Store, “therapy” is often used as a marketing term, with small print noting the apps cannot diagnose or treat disease. One app, branded as OhSofia! AI Therapy Chat, had downloads in the six figures, said OhSofia! founder Anton Ilin in December.

“People are looking for therapy,” Ilin said. On one hand, the product’s name ; on the other, it warns in that it “does not provide medical advice, diagnosis, treatment, or crisis intervention and is not a substitute for professional healthcare services.” Executives don’t think that’s confusing, since there are disclaimers in the app.

The apps promise big results without backup. its users “immediate help during panic attacks.” it was “proven effective by researchers” and that it offers 2.3 times faster relief for anxiety and stress. (It doesn’t say what it’s faster than.)

There are few legislative or regulatory guardrails around how developers refer to their products — or even whether the products are safe or effective, said Vaile Wright, senior director of the office of health care innovation at the American Psychological Association. Even federal patient privacy protections don’t apply, she said.

“Therapy is not a legally protected term,” Wright said. “So, basically, anybody can say that they give therapy.”

Many of the apps “overrepresent themselves,” said John Torous, a psychiatrist and clinical informaticist at Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center. “Deceiving people that they have received treatment when they really have not has many negative consequences,” including delaying actual care, he said.

States such as Nevada, Illinois, and California are trying to sort out the regulatory disarray, enacting laws forbidding apps from describing their chatbots as AI therapists.

“It’s a profession. People go to school. They get licensed to do it,” said Jovan Jackson, a Nevada legislator, who co-authored an enacted bill banning apps from referring to themselves as mental health professionals.

Underlying the hype, outside researchers and company representatives themselves have told the FDA and Congress that there’s little evidence supporting the efficacy of these products. What studies there are — and some companion-focused chatbots are “consistently poor” at managing crises.

“When it comes to chatbots, we don’t have any good evidence it works,” said Charlotte Blease, a professor at Sweden’s Uppsala University who specializes in trial design for digital health products.

The lack of “good quality” clinical trials stems from the FDA’s failure to provide recommendations about how to test the products, she said. “FDA is offering no rigorous advice on what the standards should be.”

Department of Health and Human Services spokesperson Emily Hilliard said, in response, that “patient safety is the FDA’s highest priority” and that AI-based products are subject to agency regulations requiring the demonstration of “reasonable assurance of safety and effectiveness before they can be marketed in the U.S.”

The Silver-Tongued Apps

Preston Roche, a psychiatry resident who’s , gets lots of questions about whether AI is a good therapist. After trying ChatGPT himself, he said he was “impressed” initially that it was able to use techniques to help him put negative thoughts “on trial.”

But Roche said after seeing posts on social media discussing people developing psychosis or being encouraged to make harmful decisions, he became disillusioned. The bots, he concluded, are sycophantic.

“When I look globally at the responsibilities of a therapist, it just completely fell on its face,” he said.

This sycophancy — the tendency of apps based on large language models to empathize, flatter, or delude their human conversation partner — is inherent to the app design, experts in digital health say.

“The models were developed to answer a question or prompt that you ask and to give you what you’re looking for,” said Insel, the former NIMH director, “and they’re really good at basically affirming what you feel and providing psychological support, like a good friend.”

That’s not what a good therapist does, though. “The point of psychotherapy is mostly to make you address the things that you have been avoiding,” he said.

While polling suggests many users are satisfied with what they’re getting out of ChatGPT and other apps, there have been about the service or encouragement to self-harm.

And or have been filed against OpenAI after ChatGPT users died by suicide or became hospitalized. In most of those cases, the plaintiffs allege they began using the apps for one purpose — like schoolwork — before confiding in them. These cases are being .

Google and the startup Character.ai — which has been funded by Google and has created “avatars” that adopt specific personas, like athletes, celebrities, study buddies, or therapists — are settling other wrongful-death lawsuits, .

OpenAI’s CEO, Sam Altman, has said up to may talk about suicide on ChatGPT.

“We have seen a problem where people that are in fragile psychiatric situations using a model like 4o can get into a worse one,” Altman said in a public question-and-answer session reported by , referring to a particular model of ChatGPT introduced in 2024. “I don’t think this is the last time we’ll face challenges like this with a model.”

An OpenAI spokesperson did not respond to requests for comment.

The company has said it on safeguards, such as referring users to 988, the national suicide hotline. However, the lawsuits against OpenAI argue existing safeguards aren’t good enough, and some research shows the problems are . OpenAI its own data suggesting the opposite.

OpenAI is , offering, early in one case, a variety of defenses ranging from denying that its product caused self-harm to alleging that the defendant misused the product by inducing it to discuss suicide. It has also said it’s working to .

Smaller apps also rely on OpenAI or other AI models to power their products, executives told Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News. In interviews, startup founders and other experts said they worry that if a company simply imports those models into its own service, it might duplicate whatever safety flaws exist in the original product.

Data Risks

Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News’ review of the App Store found listed age protections are minimal: Fifteen of the nearly four dozen apps say they could be downloaded by 4-year-old users; an additional 11 say they could be downloaded by those 12 and up.

Privacy standards are opaque. On the App Store, several apps are described as neither tracking personally identifiable data nor sharing it with advertisers — but on their company websites, privacy policies contained contrary descriptions, discussing the use of such data and their disclosure of information to advertisers, like AdMob.

In response to a request for comment, Apple spokesperson Adam Dema to the company’s App Store policies, which bar apps from using health data for advertising and require them to display information about how they use data in general. Dema did not respond to a request for further comment about how Apple enforces these policies.

Researchers and policy advocates said that sharing psychiatric data with social media firms means patients could be profiled. They could be targeted by dodgy treatment firms or charged different prices for goods based on their health.

Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News contacted several app makers about these discrepancies; two that responded said their privacy policies had been put together in error and pledged to change them to reflect their stances against advertising. (A third, the team at OhSofia!, said simply that they don’t do advertising, though their app’s notes users “may opt out of marketing communications.”)

One executive told Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News there’s business pressure to maintain access to the data.

“My general feeling is a subscription model is much, much better than any sort of advertising,” said Tim Rubin, the founder of Wellness AI, adding that he’d change the description in his app’s privacy policy.

One investor advised him not to swear off advertising, he said. “They’re like, essentially, that’s the most valuable thing about having an app like this, that data.”

“I think we’re still at the beginning of what’s going to be a revolution in how people seek psychological support and, even in some cases, therapy,” Insel said. “And my concern is that there’s just no framework for any of this.”

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It started building over the summer, fed by news of across Southern California, Trump administration plans to with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, and the passage of state and federal restrictions on immigrant Medicaid eligibility. Then in November, the federal government released a new that, if enacted, could block certain immigrants from obtaining permanent legal residency if they or family members have used public benefits, including Medicaid.

Many of González’ clients and their children, often U.S. citizens, still qualify for California’s Medicaid program, known as Medi-Cal, which provides health coverage to over 14 million residents with low incomes or disabilities. But increasingly, they don’t want to enroll or renew their coverage, she said.

“Many people don’t want to apply,” she said. “There are people who say they don’t even want to go outside and water their plants.”

An analysis by Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News found that, from June to December, the latest month for which figures are available, almost 100,000 immigrants without legal status left Medi-Cal, representing about a quarter of all disenrollments in that time frame, even though this group makes up only about 11% of Medi-Cal enrollees.

It marks a reversal in a steady rise in enrollment among immigrants without legal status in California. Until July, sign-ups among this group had risen every month since the state opened Medi-Cal to all low-income residents regardless of immigration status in January 2024.

Tessa Outhyse, a spokesperson for the California Department of Health Care Services, which oversees Medi-Cal, said the enrollment declines can be mostly attributed to the fact that the government restarted eligibility checks that were suspended during the covid-19 pandemic. Indeed, overall Medi-Cal enrollment peaked in May 2023, and has since declined by about 1.6 million.

But two researchers, Leonardo Cuello at Georgetown University’s Center for Children and Families and Susan Babey at the UCLA Center for Health Policy Research, pointed out that California and most other states had fully resumed eligibility checks . In other words, that wouldn’t explain why enrollment has fallen precipitously in the last 12 months or so.

What has changed, Cuello said, is that the federal government passed the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, and executive orders added more changes that are propelling disenrollment.

Surveys Offer Clues

found immigrant adults nationally, especially parents, to be increasingly avoiding government programs that help pay for food, housing, or health care, to avoid drawing attention to their or a family member’s immigration status. That included lawfully present residents and naturalized citizens. Parental avoidance of these programs is particularly concerning, Cuello said, because about 1 in 4 children in the U.S. have an immigrant parent, even though most of those children were born in the U.S.

Cuello suspects that may help explain a nationwide enrollment drop of almost 3% in Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program during the first 10 months of last year, including a 5.6% drop in enrollment among California children, according to .

During the first Trump administration, the president broadened public charge criteria to allow consideration of Medicaid use and food and housing assistance. That led many citizen children and other household members to they were eligible for. Some the programs even after several courts blocked implementation and Democratic President Joe Biden rescinded the rule.

“It caused a high level of confusion,” said Louise McCarthy, president and CEO of the Community Clinic Association of Los Angeles County, which represents about 70 health centers in the Los Angeles area. “Community health center staff are still working to undo the effects of the first rule.”

Projected Savings

Currently, only people reliant on cash assistance programs or long-term, government-funded institutionalized care may be considered a public charge risk when applying for a visa to enter the country or to become a legal permanent resident. But under the Trump administration’s proposed rule, Medicaid and other noncash programs could be used to determine whether an immigrant is likely to become dependent on the government. Immigration officers would also have more discretion to label people a public charge.

The Department of Homeland Security’s proposal says the changes are needed because the existing rules hamper the agency’s ability to make decisions about an immigrant’s risk of becoming reliant on government resources. A public comment period for the proposal ended in December.

DHS did not respond to a request about when it plans to make a final decision on the rule. The change would “align with long-standing policy that aliens in the United States should be self-reliant and government benefits should not incentivize immigration,” the proposal states.

The agency projected the change could save federal and state governments almost $9 billion annually from people disenrolling from or forgoing enrollment in public benefit programs.

A of the proposed rule estimated it could result in 1.3 to 4 million people disenrolling from Medicaid or CHIP, including as many as 1.8 million citizen children.

“It’s clearly being weaponized to create fear and anxiety,” said Benyamin Chao, supervising health and public benefits policy manager at the California Immigrant Policy Center. He called the proposal part of an “assault on lawfully present immigrants and U.S. citizens who are family members, and just the general community.”

Public charge fears are expected to decrease enrollment also in anti-hunger programs, such as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, known in California as CalFresh. Mark Lowry, who heads the Orange County Food Bank, said that that — along with disenrollment related to the One Big Beautiful Bill Act — could overwhelm food pantries, since federal nutrition programs account for the vast majority of food aid.

“There’s no way that the emergency food system has the capacity or resources to address those needs,” he said.

Health Care Needs

Fear of Medi-Cal enrollment doesn’t extend to all immigrants. Juana Zaragoza manages a program in Oxnard that helps mostly Indigenous Mexican farmworkers sign up for Medi-Cal. Overall enrollment and reenrollment has remained steady over the past few months, she said. Neither she nor the community members she serves know much about the public charge proposal, she added.

Often, any concerns they have are outweighed by an immediate need for health care.

“We encounter a lot of people who are balancing: what benefits me now and what benefits me later,” she said. “Some just want to cover their needs in the moment.”

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The federal government doesn’t track how many children have entered foster care because of immigration enforcement actions, leaving it unclear how often it happens. In Oregon, as of February two children had been placed in foster care after being separated from their parents in immigration detention cases, according to Jake Sunderland, a spokesperson for the Oregon Department of Human Services.

“Before fall 2025, this simply had never happened before,” Sunderland said.

As of mid-February, nearly by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The record 73,000 people in detention in January represented an compared with one year before. According to , parents of 11,000 children who are U.S. citizens were detained from the beginning of Trump’s term through August.

The news outlet NOTUS that at least 32 children of detained or deported parents had been placed in foster care in seven states.

Sandy Santana, executive director of Children’s Rights, a legal advocacy organization, said he thinks the actual number is much higher.

“That, to us, seems really, really low,” he said.

Separation from a parent is deeply traumatic for children and can lead to , including post-traumatic stress disorder. Prolonged, intense stress can lead to more-frequent infections in children and developmental issues. That “toxic stress” is also associated with responsible for learning and memory, according to Â鶹ŮÓÅ.

, and amended existing laws during Trump’s first term to allow guardians to be granted temporary parental rights for immigration enforcement reasons. Now the enforcement surge that began after Trump returned to office last year has prompted a new wave of state responses.

In New Jersey, lawmakers are considering to amend a state law that allows parents to nominate standby, or temporary, guardians in the cases of death, incapacity, or debilitation. The bill would add separation due to federal immigration enforcement as another allowable reason.

Nevada and California passed laws last year to protect families separated by immigration enforcement actions. California’s law, called the , allows parents to nominate guardians and share custodial rights, instead of having them suspended, while they’re detained. They regain their full parental rights if they are released and are able to reunite with their children.

There are significant legal barriers to reunification once a child is placed in state custody, said Juan Guzman, director of children’s court and guardianship at the Alliance for Children’s Rights, a legal advocacy organization in Los Angeles.

If a parent’s child is placed in foster care and the parent cannot participate in required court proceedings because they are in detention or have been deported, it’s less likely they will be able to reunite with their child, Guzman said.

are U.S. citizens who live with a parent or family member who does not have legal immigration status, according to research from the Brookings Institution, a Washington, D.C.-based think tank. Within that group, 2.6 million children have two parents lacking legal status.

Santana said he expects the number of family separation cases to grow as the Trump administration continues its immigration enforcement campaign, putting more children at risk of being placed in foster care.

the agency to make efforts to facilitate detained parents’ participation in family court, child welfare, or guardianship proceedings, but Santana said it’s uncertain whether ICE is complying with those rules.

ICE officials did not respond to requests for comment for this report.

Before the change in California’s law, the only way a parent could share custodial rights with another guardian was if the parent was terminally ill, Guzman said.

If parents create a preparedness plan and identify an individual to assume guardianship of their children, the state child welfare agency can begin the process of placing the children with that individual without opening a formal foster care case, he added.

While Nevada lawmakers expanded an existing guardianship law last year to include immigration enforcement, the measure requires the parents to take the additional step of filing notarized paperwork with the secretary of state’s office, said Cristian Gonzalez-Perez, an attorney at Make the Road Nevada, a nonprofit that provides resources to immigrant communities.

Gonzalez-Perez said some immigrants are still hesitant to fill out government forms, out of fear that ICE might access their information and target them. He reassures community members that the state forms are secure and can be accessed only by hospitals and courts.

The Trump administration has taken through the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, the IRS, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, the Department of Housing and Urban Development, and other entities.

Gonzalez-Perez and Guzman said that not enough immigrant parents know their rights. Nominating a temporary guardian and creating a plan for their families is one way they can prevent feelings of helplessness, Gonzalez-Perez said.

“Folks don’t want to talk about it, right?” Guzman said. “The parent having to speak to a child about the possibility of separation, it’s scary. It’s not something anybody wants to do.”

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An elementary school teacher chose a low-price health insurance plan but soon realized she wasn’t clear about what it would mean for her family’s finances.

“Once I got the insurance card, I compared our old plan to our new plan, and that’s when I really got worried, because I didn’t really understand what a deductible was. It got me thinking, how do I use this insurance?”

— Madison Burgess, 31, of San Diego

When enhanced federal subsidies expired at the end of 2025, a lot of people buying their own health insurance on the state and federal exchanges saw their expected monthly rates jump. To keep costs down, many switched to a high-deductible health plan. These plans offer lower monthly payments, but in exchange patients can face steep out-of-pocket costs when they need care.

The plans are pretty common. In 2023, 30% of people who got insurance through their employer had a high-deductible plan, up from only 4% in 2006.

Madison Burgess, a teacher in San Diego, gets health insurance through her teaching job. But when she investigated adding her husband to her plan, it was just too expensive, so she started shopping on the exchange for a cheaper option for him.

The longer she scrolled through the plan options, the more overwhelming it felt. Insurance jargon made it hard to tell what her family would owe if her husband got sick.

“I didn’t know what a deductible was, so I just went with what was cheap, and now I have regret,” she said.

In exchange for that lower monthly premium payment, her husband’s coverage won’t kick in for most care until they’ve paid $5,800 in medical bills. Burgess didn’t know that the deductible must be met before insurance picks up part of the tab.

Deductible:

The amount you as the patient have to pay before insurance picks up part of the tab

Premium:

The monthly bill for your policy, paid to the insurance company

How do you prepare for thousands of dollars in upfront costs? One option is a health savings account, or HSA, which lets you save pretax money and is now available to people enrolled in lower-tier state and federal exchange plans, including bronze and catastrophic coverage. These plans generally have the lowest premiums on the exchange but the highest out-of-pocket costs when you need care.

Burgess had chosen a bronze plan and didn’t know HSAs were an option.

“I’ve never thought about having to put money away for a deductible,” she said.

Burgess and others are often more worried about socking away money for unexpected car and house repairs or vet bills.

If, like Burgess, you chose cheaper health coverage for this year only to discover you’re on the hook for meeting a high deductible, these tips can help you prepare.

1. You might qualify for an HSA and not know it.

If you’re enrolled in a bronze or catastrophic plan, you qualify to open a health savings account. Think of it as a medical piggy bank with tax perks. You put in pretax money, which lowers your taxable income. The money grows tax-free, and when you spend it on , those transactions are also tax-free. That’s what people call a “triple tax advantage.”

These accounts build a cushion for future health costs, such as doctor visits, prescriptions, and even products like over-the-counter medicine, tampons, and sunscreen.

The money typically can’t be used for monthly premiums, but the account is yours to use for qualified medical expenses for yourself, your spouse, or your dependents anytime in the future. The money in the account is yours, even if you change jobs or health plans.

An HSA is not the same as a flexible spending account, or FSA. FSAs are tax-advantaged too but are offered only through employers. The money expires annually and you lose any remaining money when you leave that job.

2. HSA-curious? Here’s how to open one.

You open a health savings account through a bank or other financial institution. The institution will issue you a debit card so you can make purchases from the HSA.

You can at any point during the year as long as you’re covered by an eligible plan. You can choose where to open the account, but be sure to check for any fees financial institutions charge and shop around.

If you get insurance through your job, your employer may require you to use a specific IRS-approved company.

Many people decide they can’t afford to contribute to an HSA. For some households, the desire to set aside money for medical expenses competes with the need to pay rent and buy groceries.

But there’s a detail that can make it feel more manageable. Contributions don’t have to be large. Just a few dollars a month can get you started.

There is, however, a limit. The IRS sets an annual cap on how much you’re allowed to contribute to an HSA. In 2026, an individual is limited to $4,400, or $8,750 for a family plan. Under that ceiling, the amount is up to you.

3. Preventive services should be covered at no cost to you.

All plans sold on marketplaces must cover at no cost to the patient as long as the care is provided in-network. Those services include routine immunizations and cancer screenings.

Beyond preventive care, understanding what different services cost can help you decide which type of medical appointment works best for your health needs and your wallet. For example, some plans charge less for a telehealth visit than to see your primary care doctor in person.

Check out your for more details.

4. Seek care early in the year.

Most deductibles reset on Jan. 1. Scheduling appointments or surgeries early in the year can be strategic if you discover a condition that requires ongoing care. If you can afford it, meeting your deductible sooner can make the rest of the year significantly cheaper, said Caitlin Donovan, a senior director at the Patient Advocate Foundation.

5. Consider paying cash instead of spending down your deductible.

Some hospitals, clinics, or other providers offer cheaper prices if you pay cash. You have the and explanation of how much a health service would cost if you paid out-of-pocket. Ask for the estimate before you get care. Then, compare that price with what your insurance company tells you it would cost if you used your insurance. If you decide to go with a cash payment, you’ll need to pay while you’re still at the doctor’s office, before charges get submitted to your insurance company.

Paying cash may save you money, but the amount you pay generally won’t count toward your deductible or out-of-pocket maximum.

“If you don’t think you’re ever going to hit your deductible — you’re that young invincible, and your deductible is $10,000 — negotiate the cash price,” Donovan said.

6. On an ACA plan? Update your income and use an HSA to avoid a tax surprise.

If you’re on an ACA plan and you’re eligible for subsidies, be aware: If your and you don’t update your marketplace application, you could owe thousands of dollars at tax time. The . Report raises, new jobs, or side gigs as they happen. If your income goes up, stashing money in an HSA can help because the money you put in the account doesn’t count toward your taxable income.

As soon as you report an increase in your income, that could mean higher premiums (if you no longer qualify for the same subsidy), but experts say it’s better to pay now than owe a big bill that you have to pay all at once.

“One of the biggest problems I see is someone is newly unemployed and they sign up for coverage, they say that they’re not making any money, and then eventually they get a job and don’t report it, and then they have this huge tax bill at the end,” Donovan said.

She advises updating your marketplace profile as soon as your income changes, which could newly qualify you for Medicaid or a plan that contributes more toward your medical bills.

Taylor Cook contributed to this report.

Health Care Helpline helps you navigate the health system hurdles between you and good care. Send us your tricky question and we may tap a policy sleuth to puzzle it out. Share your story. The crowdsourced project is a joint production of NPR and Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News.

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OAKLAND, Calif. — Rosa María Carranza leaned forward to hold a 3-year-old’s back as the girl climbed a rock in the forested hills of northeast Oakland.

Dressed in hiking gear and beaded necklaces, Carranza, 67, maneuvered between trees and children on a sunny morning in December. “Hold on to that branch,” she said in Spanish. “You can do it, my love!”

Carranza, a child development professional who grew up swinging through trees and swimming in rivers in El Salvador, said she feels at home in the forest at the outdoor preschool she co-founded. She has worked with children and teens as a caregiver and educator for more than three decades, long enough to know when to lean in and when to step back to let her students find their own footing.

When she transitioned to working part-time last year, Carranza counted on getting Medicare and Social Security checks — benefits given to American workers and lawfully present immigrants when they retire, work history and age or disability requirements. She’s contributed tens of thousands of dollars into Medicare and Social Security over 24 years, according to her Social Security Administration earnings record, reviewed by El Tímpano and Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News. But Carranza and an estimated immigrants will soon be cut out of Medicare.

The GOP’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act, signed last July by President Donald Trump, barred certain categories of lawfully present immigrants — including temporary protected status holders, refugees, asylum-seekers, survivors of domestic violence, trafficking victims, and people with work visas — from Medicare.

Those already in the program, like Carranza, will be disenrolled by Jan. 4 — a move by Republican lawmakers to rein in Medicare spending, as they and Trump have argued that taxpayer dollars should not be used to pay for the health care of immigrants in the U.S. without authorization.

“The Democrats want Illegal Aliens, many of them VIOLENT CRIMINALS, to receive FREE Healthcare,” Trump two months after he signed the bill into law. “We cannot let this happen!”

However, the categories of immigrants now losing coverage do have legal status. Neither the White House nor the Department of Health and Human Services responded to a question about whether it was fair to disenroll legal residents from Medicare.

Immigrants without legal status were already ineligible for Medicare or most other federally funded public benefits.

Carranza is worried that she could also lose legal permission to live in the United States if the Trump administration ends temporary protected status for Salvadorans, as it sought to do during .

If that happened, Carranza would lose legal residency, risking time in an immigration detention center or deportation.

“This is like a horror movie, a complete nightmare,” Carranza said. “This is not how I imagined getting old.”

‘Under Constant Attack’

Carranza left El Salvador in 1991 during a brutal civil war, leaving behind three young children, to earn money to send home to her family. She overstayed her visa until 2001, when she qualified for temporary protected status, after two earthquakes struck El Salvador, and displacing 1.3 million.

Temporary protected status, or TPS, was passed by Congress and signed into law by Republican President George H.W. Bush in 1990.

It allows people such as Carranza, from select nations undergoing armed conflict, civil war, and climate disasters, to live and work in the United States if being in their home country poses a risk.

Carranza missed her youngest daughter’s graduation from kindergarten and first medal-winning performance in track. She worked overnight shifts babysitting newborns and later substitute-taught in public schools in the San Francisco Bay Area to pay for her children’s schooling in El Salvador, and for her own classes at City College of San Francisco, where she earned a degree in child development.

And she cared for dozens of 3-, 4-, and 5-year-olds who gazed in awe as they uncovered little treasures buried in the redwood forest of the Oakland park where she co-founded Escuelita del Bosque, a Spanish immersion preschool that teaches children outdoors.

The trade-off was supposed to be a peaceful retirement. But Congress narrowed Medicare eligibility to citizens, lawful permanent residents, Cuban and Haitian nationals, and people covered under the Compacts of Free Association, agreements between the United States and Pacific island nations.

The move followed Trump’s efforts to bar some lawfully present immigrants from Medicaid, marketplace insurance subsidies, and social support services, such as food assistance, housing subsidies, and medical visits in federally funded health centers. Altogether, 1.4 million lawfully present immigrants were projected to lose health insurance, according to Â鶹ŮÓÅ, a health information nonprofit that includes Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News.

A spokesperson for House Speaker Mike Johnson, Taylor Haulsee, did not respond to requests for comment.

Michael Cannon, director of health policy studies at the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank, said Republicans wanted to enact tax cuts and eliminate health insurance for immigrants because it wouldn’t upset their base.

“They don’t want to turn the United States into a welfare magnet,” he said. “And they resent the government for making them pay for a welfare state.”

While data on lawfully present immigrants is not available, immigrants without legal status and $25.7 billion into Social Security in 2022, according to the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy. The Congressional Budget Office estimated that the Medicare restrictions alone would reduce federal spending by 2034.

Health experts say eliminating coverage for immigrants with legal status .

“This is actually the first time that Congress has taken away Medicare from any group,” said Drishti Pillai, director of immigrant health policy at Â鶹ŮÓÅ. “This change is impacting immigrants who have lawful presence in the U.S., and many of whom have already worked and paid into the system for decades.”

As older adults like Carranza lose their Medicare coverage, clinicians anticipate that they will delay their care, leading to an increase in severely ill patients, especially in hospital emergency rooms.

Seniors can become sick suddenly and quickly, and they are more vulnerable to cardiovascular diseases such as heart disease and high blood pressure, especially if they put off routine care, said Theresa Cheng, an emergency physician at Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital and assistant clinical professor of emergency medicine at the University of California-San Francisco.

“It’s quite easy for them to fall off the cliff,” Cheng said.

Carranza hikes and considers herself healthy, but she acknowledges that she is aging and starting to struggle to keep up with the kids in the forest.

Late last year she was diagnosed with high blood pressure, and in January she woke up with a tight chest and went to urgent care because it had spiked to dangerous levels. A few weeks later, she tripped on a curb while walking and fell to the ground. She woke up the next day with a swollen foot. A doctor at the local hospital told her she had arthritis.

These were scary moments, she said, but she was grateful to have to pay only $10 for the urgent care visit and $5 to see her primary care doctor. However, that will change when she loses Medicare by early next year.

The stress of knowing she will lose health insurance coverage, and potentially her legal status, all while masked federal agents are detaining immigrants like her across the country, has taken a toll on her mental health, she said. She is searching for a therapist and acupuncture services to treat her insomnia and anxiety — and the feeling that she is “under constant attack.”

Nowhere To Turn

In California, home to the largest number of , Carranza could have enrolled in state-sponsored insurance, but this year the state for adults 19 and older who are a TPS holder, in the U.S. without authorization, or an asylum-seeker. Other states with Democratic governors such as have also scaled back their health programs for immigrants amid budget pressures.

In January, California Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed a state budget that would not backfill federal health care cuts to about 200,000 lawfully present immigrants, noting the $1.1 billion annual price tag and state budget shortfalls.

“Given these fiscal pressures, the administration cannot backfill for this change in federal policy,” California Department of Finance spokesperson H.D. Palmer said.

But some Democratic lawmakers and consumer advocates say the state should step in. State Assembly member Mia Bonta, who chairs the Assembly’s health committee, said she is working on a legislative budget solution to bring immigrants who will lose health coverage, including older adults, into Medi-Cal, the state’s version of Medicaid.

The East Bay Democrat is especially concerned for people like Carranza, “who have lived here for decades and contributed into this economy, who have given into our cultural fabric and into our communities and who built families and lives and who are now wanting to be able to retire with dignity and live with dignity and have the health care that they need.”

A Sign of the Future

Last April, Carranza got a glimpse of what losing her health coverage and retirement benefits could look like, after the Social Security Administration sent her a letter informing her that she no longer qualified for retirement benefits because she was not lawfully present in the U.S. — even though she was. Then Medicare stopped payments to her health plan, which disenrolled her as a result.

As a TPS holder with a work permit, she knew a mistake had been made. Yet, without her check, Carranza didn’t have money to pay her rent for a month. She worked off her rent by babysitting her landlords’ children. Last May, the office of U.S. Rep. Lateefah Simon, an Oakland Democrat, helped Carranza recover her retirement benefits, but it took months for her to get her health insurance back.

The experience left her reeling.

“It’s like getting slapped on the face after more than 30 years working for the system here,” Carranza said. “And in return, this is what we have now.”

She lies awake at night imagining the future: here, where she’s spent half her life, without health insurance and possibly Social Security benefits; or in El Salvador, where two of her three children remain. Her daughter, a green-card holder who lives in Texas, hopes to become a citizen so she can petition for permanent residency for Carranza, but the process can take years. Then there’s the possibility she fears most: indefinite detention or deportation.

On a recent morning in her basement studio in Oakland, Carranza pulled a box from the back of her closet. In it was a thick stack of identification cards that included old driver’s licenses, her Social Security card, and dozens of work IDs issued by the federal government.

“My life is in that box,” she said.

This article was produced in collaboration with , a civic media organization serving and covering the Bay Area’s Latino and Mayan immigrant communities.

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Ollie’s parents, who adopted her in 2020, tried to sign her up for a clinical trial using — which genetically reprograms a patient’s white blood cells to help them fight cancer — at UNC Health in Chapel Hill, North Carolina, an hour-and-a-half drive from their home in Eden.

Her mother, Britany Super, described it as Ollie’s “last option.”

But in early March, Super recalled, UNC Health’s financial office told them the bad news: The state’s new insurance for kids in foster care wasn’t going to pay for the treatment.

In December, Ollie became one of hundreds of thousands of kids nationwide enrolled in a special kind of public health insurance for people served by the foster care system. That insurance, known as a specialized managed care plan, is part of Medicaid, the federal-state program that covers health costs for people with low incomes or disabilities.

North Carolina is one of 14 states with such specialized foster care plans, according to the National Academy for State Health Policy. The plans differ by state, but each is meant to expand coverage for children in the foster care system — and for kids who were adopted out of it, such as Ollie and her siblings.

Yet, as in other states that have struggled when adding such plans, North Carolina families have faced hurdles obtaining care. Thousands of doctors whose services were covered under Medicaid were not included in the specialized plan — which is costing the state $3.1 billion over four years — when it rolled out on Dec. 1. That left guardians and parents of kids adopted out of the system scrambling to figure out whether they would have to find new health care providers or new insurance.

In North Carolina, the insurance plan’s stumbles have added another layer of complication around health care issues. The state — like many others — is already over expected Medicaid cuts in the wake of congressional Republicans’ One Big Beautiful Bill Act. A separate Medicaid funding shortfall also prompted a push to cut care providers’ reimbursement rates.

Texas, which established its plan 18 years ago, that its foster families also had a hard time finding doctors on the insurance. In Florida, researchers for the state reported as early as 2016 that there was .

Illinois’ plan by the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services over a lack of access to care. Research concluded that California’s plan children with adequate mental health services. Georgia’s access problems alarmed state officials enough to calling for children to be removed from the plan and put back on other Medicaid plans.

But such specialized plans for kids in foster care continue to gain traction. Four states have started their own plans in the past five years, said , the senior director of children and family health at the National Academy for State Health Policy, and she said it’s likely more will adopt them soon.

showing how these programs are faring, Medicaid policy analysts said. It’s therefore difficult to know why they’ve run into rollout problems or whether they’ve improved access to care. That makes the plans risky, said , a research professor at Georgetown University’s Center for Children and Families.

“The states that are going in this direction, unless they have data to support it, are experimenting,” Schneider said. “They’re putting all their eggs in one basket, so they need to pay close attention.”

Rough Rollout

North Carolina’s specialized insurance plan for foster kids experienced problems the day it rolled out.

The state automatically enrolled Ollie and about 32,000 other people in , called . North Carolina officials had said the program would improve health care access for foster children, who often have medically complex needs and move frequently.

But foster families quickly began hearing that their health care providers were not taking the insurance, according to several families who recounted their experiences fighting to get their children’s procedures covered under the plan.

UNC Health, a state-run health system that is , with nearly 4,400 physicians, initially, which is why it told Super that Ollie’s CAR T-cell treatment wouldn’t be covered.

After more than two months of limbo for families, UNC Health ultimately in mid-March with Blue Cross Blue Shield of North Carolina, which runs the plan.

But some North Carolina doctors still don’t accept Healthy Blue insurance.

, interim deputy secretary for North Carolina’s Medicaid program, said her office to expand its network, even though it already has what she called an “adequate” number of providers. North Carolina’s health department and Blue Cross Blue Shield did not answer Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News’ questions about how many providers are covered by the new insurance.

“We welcome qualified providers who want to join,” said Blue Cross Blue Shield of North Carolina spokesperson Sara Lang.

Other problems . As thousands of health care records move over to a statewide database managed by Healthy Blue, children’s doctors are struggling to track their patients’ medical histories, said foster care advocates and pediatricians. Parents reported problems seeing health records, finding themselves locked out of online portals. Others couldn’t access prescriptions. Surgeries got delayed. Appointments were canceled.

“Network management for any plan is an ongoing process,” Lang said.

All this meant added red tape and heartache for the caregivers of children like Ollie with complex medical needs — those the .

Gearing Up

Cancer has been part of Ollie’s life since she was 2. She was in the process of getting adopted out of foster care when she began chemotherapy and radiation treatments, then received two stem cell transplants, Super recalled.

Surgeons installed temporary tubes in a vein near her heart and a feeding tube in her abdomen. Her hair fell out as the treatment intensified, and a thin layer of skin peeled off, forcing her new family to wear surgical gowns and gloves when they wanted to be close.

“She doesn’t remember life outside of going to doctors and being in a hospital,” Super said.

Ollie still has a port in her chest ready for whenever she needs intravenous medicine, and her monthly doctor appointments are about to become weekly. During an emergency room visit in mid-March, doctors told Super her daughter’s cancer had spread. Ollie will need more chemotherapy before her body is ready for the more advanced treatment.

But the Supers, thrown into uncertainty for more than two months, still feel some relief. They’re preparing for back-and-forth drives for the CAR T-cell therapy treatments in Chapel Hill. And they’re grateful, even if it means Ollie will spend at least five more weeks in and out of a hospital.

Reliable health insurance will be vital for Ollie, and Healthy Blue leaders said they are talking with doctors, parents, and others to make sure the plan is working. Her procedures carry multimillion-dollar price tags, her mother said, but having her bills seamlessly covered allows the family to focus on Ollie’s treatment.

“The biggest challenges for her will be in the first few months of the study,” said Super, who knows the therapy’s side effects include fever, fatigue, and confusion. “But I’m hoping that after that, the CAR T-cells will do their job and fight the cancer and she can continue to have a playful, active life.”

That means, they hope, the girl could be at home more often with her five siblings and the three family dogs, including Remy, a border collie mix who is Ollie’s favorite.

Super relishes those precious moments for her daughter — “being a kid and doing kid things.”

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He was already thinking about delaying it — then his monthly Obamacare insurance premium payment tripled this year to $2,460, about a third of his income, he said. And with a $2,700 deductible, he’d be on the hook for most of the diagnostic exam, a financial hit he said he couldn’t stomach.

“It was going to cost close to $3,000,” said Galvin, who lives in North Kingstown, Rhode Island, and recently retired as director of a durable medical equipment company. “I put it off.”

Galvin said his wife, Nancy, is delaying a costly CT scan for a few years until she too qualifies for Medicare, so it can foot the bill. The federal health program offers coverage for all Americans 65 and older.

People on Affordable Care Act plans nearing retirement age experienced some of the largest price increases following the expiration of enhanced federal subsidies at the end of December. Those with incomes above 400% of the federal poverty level — — had been getting help paying for the plans since the Biden administration expanded the subsidies during the covid-19 pandemic. Adults ages 50 through 64 of those ACA enrollees.

Now, without that federal financial help, some in this age group say they’re wrestling with whether to delay care until they qualify for Medicare. Not only does that put their physical health at risk, said patient advocates, doctors, and health policy researchers, but it potentially just shifts the costs — and could lead to taxpayers’ footing even bigger bills to fix health issues that worsen amid the delays.

“There’s going to be a lot of pent-up demand and unmet need,” said , a health policy consultant who worked in the Obama and Biden administrations. “Medicare is going to have to spend a whole heck of a lot of money covering and dealing with their treatment.”

The Affordable Care Act has been a key source of health care coverage for people 50 through 64. Access to Obamacare plans helped cut the uninsured rate for this age group by half, , a lobbying group that represents older adults. That allowed some people to retire early while keeping coverage. It also has provided a safety net for and those with jobs that don’t offer health insurance.

Last fall, the occurred amid an unsuccessful effort by Democrats to extend the enhanced subsidies. Republicans opposing the extension had said the assistance went to insurers, incentivizing fraud and wasteful coverage.

The issue will continue to have political relevance, especially in this year’s midterm elections, including among older Americans who reliably show up to the polls, said Republican strategist , who runs the Atlas Strategy Group.

“Is affordability going to be an issue? Absolutely,” he said. “Are health care prices going to factor into that? Yes.”

Even before the subsidies expired, the costs of medical care, nursing homes, and prescription drugs were among the top health-related concerns for people over 50, a found.

Middle-aged adults with Obamacare plans acutely feel the pinch of the expired subsidies, because to charge adults in their 60s up to three times as much for premiums as those in their 20s, who generally use fewer medical services.

And many middle-aged adults were already enrolled in the lowest-cost plans available, which leaves them without cheaper options to fall back on, said , a policy analyst with Â鶹ŮÓÅ, a health information nonprofit that includes Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News.

“This is very dire for the older marketplace enrollees,” he said.

Someone making a few dollars over 400% of the federal poverty level earns too much to get a subsidy now, and in some states average premium payments were due to for this group. Many people are seeing yearly rate increases of thousands of dollars, with premium payments totaling as much as a quarter of their incomes.

, a primary care physician and health policy researcher at the University of Michigan, said he has regular conversations with older patients who are trying to figure out how to afford their medical care. Some in their early 60s are likely to drop ACA coverage because of rising premiums, he said.

“That’s a gamble,” he added.

Marci Heinbaugh may take that bet. The 63-year-old social services worker, who lives in rural Illinois, said her monthly premium payments more than doubled, from roughly $1,100 to $2,333, for a plan with a $10,150 out-of-pocket maximum.

She knew she’d be paying more, she said, but wasn’t anticipating that kind of increase. A few months in, she’s not sure if she’ll stick with the plan for the rest of the year. She said she may go uninsured.

“I’m petrified to even think about that,” Heinbaugh said.

People want to buy their own insurance on the marketplace, and many middle-aged adults could afford it with just a little federal financial help, said , senior vice president of public policy at AARP. Those who drop coverage or delay care until they reach age 65 might save money now, but that could be more costly for them — and taxpayers — later.

“There’s significant possibility that the purported savings associated with reducing subsidies as people approach retirement end up turning into higher utilization costs for Medicare,” Weil said.

And Medicare enrollees aren’t insulated from rising costs. In January, for example, standard Medicare from $185 per month to almost $203.

Until Galvin joins Medicare, he said, he expects to burn through a $30,000 retirement account to cover his marketplace plan’s premium payments and deductible.

A found that 1 in 5 adults over 50 had no retirement savings and 3 in 5 were worried they wouldn’t have enough retirement savings to support themselves.

The expiration of these Obamacare subsidies puts additional financial pressure on Americans as they approach retirement, health policy researchers said.

“It’s forcing people to make impossible choices,” said , director of federal health advocacy for the national nonprofit Justice in Aging.

Are you struggling to afford your health insurance? Have you decided to forgo coverage? to contact Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News and share your story.

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The , the public health insurance program that pairs state and federal money. Federal officials have announced unprecedented actions in Minnesota this year, declaring they could withhold over $2 billion in payments slated for the state and claw back nearly $260 million from last year.

The actions in Minnesota came as part of the administration’s declared crackdown on fraud, but critics have likened them to using a bludgeon instead of a scalpel, probably harming patients who rely on Medicaid for care but are not responsible for fraud in the program.

“It’s going to hurt a lot of people if they end up going through with this,” said Sumukha Terakanambi, a 27-year-old who has Duchenne muscular dystrophy and works as a public policy consultant with the Minnesota Council on Disability.

“Of course we support going after fraud,” Terakanambi said, but “this overly aggressive action is missing the point. It’s not punishing fraudsters. It’s punishing the people.”

Longtime Medicaid observers also doubt the federal actions will achieve their purported objective.

, a senior managing director with the consulting firm Manatt, that actions of this magnitude by the federal government are unprecedented, partly because punitive measures against states have “really never been an effective way to address fraud.”

Meanwhile, fraud prosecutions as the U.S. attorney’s office there grapples with the exodus of nearly half its attorneys and a surge in cases from the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown.

Despite these concerns, Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services head Mehmet Oz said the techniques the federal government is using in Minnesota could be applied to other states, and he has launched social media campaigns alleging high-dollar public benefit fraud in , , , and . And a February release of by the Trump administration’s Department of Government Efficiency appears to be part of a campaign to paint the program as riddled by fraud, Guyer said.

, a research professor at Georgetown University’s Center for Children and Families, said that campaign by the administration seems particularly focused on services designed to keep people with disabilities out of institutions, and he described withholding $2 billion from Minnesota’s Medicaid program as “.”

A ‘Political Football’

Scrutiny of Minnesota’s public benefit programs began early in the Biden administration, years before the most recent investigations. The spotlight on the state’s Medicaid system grew after FBI raids in December 2024.

The following May, an into Medicaid housing stabilization services in Minnesota prompted further scrutiny from federal prosecutors, and from Gov. Tim Walz.

Under the Democratic governor, the state launched investigations into 85 autism providers, ordered a third-party audit of 14 types of Medicaid services deemed to be “high-risk” for fraud, and delayed payments for those services for up to 90 days. Many of the services are ones people with disabilities receive at home, making them more difficult to monitor.  

Terakanambi worried the state’s “heavy-handed approach” would destabilize the entire home care system. While his own care was not disrupted — his parents provide the 10 hours of daily personal care he qualifies for through Medicaid — other Minnesotans with disabilities have said they experienced interruptions and .

In December, one man was after losing his in-home care services amid the crackdown.

“We’re losing sight of the people that have done nothing wrong, that rely on these supports and services to live in the community,” said Sue Schettle, chief executive of , a Minnesota nonprofit that represents organizations supporting people with disabilities. “It becomes a political football.”

Schettle said she took her concerns about the crackdown to state officials, who have since met routinely with her and other advocates. The subsequent federal actions, however, have left her “shell-shocked,” she said.

The ‘Nuclear Option’

In December, a , with help from state Republicans, supercharged the issue in Minnesota, alleging widespread fraud in child care centers owned by members of the Somali community. A follow-up state investigation of the child care centers that were featured in the video determined that all were “.”

On Jan. 6, CMS’ Oz sent Walz a letter alleging Minnesota’s Medicaid program was out of compliance with federal rules on fraud, waste, and abuse, setting the stage for the Trump administration’s move to withhold over $2 billion in federal Medicaid funds to Minnesota this year, about 18% of what the state received the year before.

Minnesota is appealing.

The Republican-aligned Paragon Health Institute, a think tank that recently published a calling for similar enforcement actions across the country, applauded the federal moves.

“That will spur states to take necessary action, thus ensuring that Medicaid funds go to those who are truly eligible,” said , a legal research analyst who co-authored the brief.

Georgetown’s Schneider questioned the necessity and effectiveness of withholding the money.

“I don’t see any relationship between that and actually reducing fraud against the Minnesota Medicaid program, given the state has already taken a lot of action,” he said.

In late February, Oz went further, announcing that on top of withholding $2 billion in future payments to Minnesota, the administration was in federal Medicaid payments to the state.

“We have notified the state that we will give them the money, but we are going to hold it and only release it after they propose and act on a comprehensive corrective action plan to solve the problem,” Oz said at with Vice President JD Vance.

Minnesota the deferment in court.

“We’re waiting for feedback from CMS on our corrective action plan, which is why we were surprised and confused when Dr. Oz said in a news conference with the vice president last week that we needed to provide one,” Minnesota Medicaid director John Connolly said at a March 3 news briefing.

‘Another Minnesota’

Oz and Vance both said during the February news conference that they are not specifically targeting Democratic-led states. Oz noted Florida has a “big fraud problem” and in mid-March sent a letter to state officials with a list of questions about their Medicaid program. Until then, the letters and most of Oz’s social media videos had been limited to California, Maine, and New York, all led by Democrats.

“We might have another Minnesota on our hands,” Oz said in posted the same day as sent to Maine Gov. Janet Mills, a Democrat, requesting information on how the state was addressing Medicaid fraud.

“And if we’re not satisfied with their progress, we reserve the right to cut off payments entirely,” Oz said in the video.

The video and letter were prompted by a in Maine that found the state had made at least $45.6 million in improper Medicaid payments. Similar audits in , , and had comparable findings.

In , Mills called Oz’s letter a “pretense to send ICE and other weaponized federal agents into states led by Democrats.”

CMS spokesperson Chris Krepich said the agency does not take funding actions lightly. “The focus is on strengthening oversight, improving accountability, and ensuring that vulnerable patients receive the services they are entitled to,” Krepich said.

But Terakanambi said it’s not difficult to see how federal actions like those in Minnesota could put services in jeopardy. The amount of money Minnesota could lose from the CMS actions announced this year is already equivalent to about two-thirds of the state’s rainy-day fund.

Many states are looking to or even funding for home care services over much smaller budget shortfalls. And further cuts are anticipated, with congressional Republicans’ One Big Beautiful Bill Act, signed into law last year, expected to reduce federal Medicaid spending by more than $900 billion over the next decade.

“People will die,” Terakanambi said. “People will lose critical supports and will no longer be able to participate in their community the way they want to.”

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