Medicaid Archives - 麻豆女优 Health News /topics/medicaid/ 麻豆女优 Health News produces in-depth journalism on health issues and is a core operating program of 麻豆女优. Mon, 08 Jun 2026 23:47:50 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.8.5 /wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=32 Medicaid Archives - 麻豆女优 Health News /topics/medicaid/ 32 32 161476233 Millions of Kids Could Lose Insurance as GOP Healthcare Cuts Start To Bite /insurance/health-hub-kids-lose-insurance-coverage-gop-healthcare-cuts/ Fri, 05 Jun 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2244771&preview=true&preview_id=2244771
0:00 0:00
Produced in partnership with: Download
Speed
Embed this player

have lost insurance since President Donald Trump took office in 2025. Another million could lose it amid the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown and new Medicaid eligibility rules. On WAMU’s Health Hub on June 3, 麻豆女优 Health News chief Washington correspondent Julie Rovner explained how fear and confusion complicate access to health coverage.

A image of the healthcare.gov website on a laptop screen.
(Stefani Reynolds/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

Last year’s big cuts to federal healthcare programs in the Republicans’ One Big Beautiful Bill Act created an affordability crunch for many Americans. They’ve ushered in higher health insurance premiums and confusion about who’s covered under new Medicaid rules.

Another result has been falling enrollment in Affordable Care Act plans and Medicaid. That’s leaving uninsured, according to an analysis by the Georgetown University McCourt School of Public Policy’s Center for Children and Families. 麻豆女优 Health News chief Washington correspondent Julie Rovner appeared June 3 on WAMU’s Health Hub to explain who’s vulnerable to losing coverage and what it all could mean for the prices Americans pay for health insurance next year.

麻豆女优 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 麻豆女优鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/insurance/health-hub-kids-lose-insurance-coverage-gop-healthcare-cuts/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">麻豆女优 Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

<img id="republication-tracker-tool-source" src="/?republication-pixel=true&post=2244771&amp;ga4=G-J74WWTKFM0&quot; style="width:1px;height:1px;">]]>
2244771
Medicaid Work Rules Surprise States /podcast/what-the-health-449-medicaid-work-rules-exemptions-june-4-2026/ Thu, 04 Jun 2026 18:30:00 +0000 /?p=2244767&post_type=podcast&preview_id=2244767 The Host
Julie Rovner photo
Julie Rovner 麻豆女优 Health News Read Julie's stories. Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of 麻豆女优 Health News’ weekly health policy news podcast, "What the Health?" A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book "Health Care Politics and Policy A to Z," now in its third edition.

New rules out this week from the Trump administration for implementing work requirements for adult Medicaid recipients surprised many state officials. The rules make it more difficult for states to determine who should be exempt from the requirements, including by stipulating that having a serious condition such as HIV or cancer does not automatically excuse an enrollee from having to engage in 80 hours per month of paid work, volunteering, or school attendance.

Meanwhile, a separate rule would give political appointees far more power over who gets health and science grant funding, and what political activities grant recipients can participate in. This would be a dramatic change 鈥 currently most decisions are made by career scientists and outside peer reviewers and based solely on scientific merit rather than whether they advance an administration’s political agenda.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of 麻豆女优 Health News, Margot Sanger-Katz of The New York Times, Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico, and Liz Essley Whyte of The Wall Street Journal.

Panelists

Margot Sanger-Katz photo
Margot Sanger-Katz The New York Times
Alice Miranda Ollstein photo
Alice Miranda Ollstein Politico
Liz Essley Whyte photo
Liz Essley Whyte The Wall Street Journal

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

  • The Medicaid work requirement was pitched as a massive money-saver for the federal government because, supporters argued, it will keep people who shouldn’t be eligible for the program from being on the rolls. But it is becoming clear that implementing the policy is going to cost states tens of millions of dollars in new hires, contracts, communication campaigns, and tech systems. State officials say this is coming when budget pressures are already high.
  • The White House has advanced long-anticipated draft regulations designed to give political appointees the final word on federal research grants. The regulations, which have been close to the heart of Office and Management and Budget Director Russell Vought and were included in Project 2025, would empower the federal branch to pull back funding if political appointees find grantees doing work at odds with the president’s agenda.
  • In a move that went somewhat unnoticed, President Donald Trump on Friday gave his official endorsement to a study by the Department of Health and Human Services that calls for cutting the number of vaccines recommended for every American child. It’s not clear what impact Trump’s action will have 鈥 the changes that Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. tried to make have been put on hold by federal courts.
  • A final rule issued this past week for the No Surprises Act makes changes designed to improve communication between insurers and providers. The rule does not, however, get at what’s emerged as the law’s biggest problem: When disputes between doctors and insurers reach arbitration, doctors are the overwhelming winners. And it is costing millions. Fixing the underlying issues would probably require legislative attention.

Also this week, Rovner interviews 麻豆女优 Health News reporter Lauren Sausser, who wrote the latest “Bill of the Month,” about a patient with a temporary memory problem and a less forgettable $59,000 hospital bill. If you have an outrageous or inscrutable medical bill you’d like to share with us, you can do that here.

Plus, for “extra credit” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week that they think you should read, too:

Julie Rovner: 麻豆女优 Health News and The Associated Press’ “Festering Infections to Untreated Cancer: ICE Detainees Describe Medical Neglect Across US,” by Rae Ellen Bichell, Claire Galofaro, Maia Rosenfeld, Renuka Rayasam, Aaron Kessler, and Byron Tau.

Liz Essley Whyte: The Wall Street Journal’s “,” by Christopher Weaver and Anna Wilde Mathews.

Alice Miranda Ollstein: The New York Times’ “,” by Simar Bajaj.

Margot Sanger-Katz: ProPublica’s “,” by Alec MacGillis and Ken B. Morales.

Also mentioned in this week’s podcast:

  • Politico’s “,” by Robert King and Alice Miranda Ollstein.
  • The New York Times’ “,” by Margot Sanger-Katz and Sarah Kliff.
  • The Washington Post’s “,” by Lauren Weber.
click to open the transcript Transcript: Medicaid Work Rules Surprise States

[Editor’s note: This transcript was generated using both transcription software and a human’s light touch. It has been edited for style and clarity.] 

Julie Rovner: Hello, from 麻豆女优 Health News and WAMU Public Radio in Washington, D.C. Welcome to What the Health? I’m Julie Rovner, chief Washington correspondent for 麻豆女优 Health News. And, as always, I’m joined by some of the best and smartest health reporters covering Washington. We’re taping this week on Thursday, June 4, at 10:30 a.m. As always, news happens fast, and things might have changed by the time you hear this. So, here we go. Today, we are joined via video conference by Margot Sanger-Katz of The New York Times. 

Margot Sanger-Katz: Hello, everybody. 

Rovner: Alice Miranda Olstein of Politico. 

Alice Miranda Ollstein: Hi, there. 

Rovner: And we welcome to our podcast panel this week Liz Essley Whyte of The Wall Street Journal. Happy to have you join us. 

Liz Essley Whyte: Thanks for having me, Julie. 

Rovner: Later in this episode, we’ll have my interview with my colleague Lauren Sausser, who wrote the latest 麻豆女优 Health News “Bill of the Month.” It’s about a woman with a temporary memory problem who probably wishes she could forget about a $59,000 hospital bill. But first, this week’s news. 

So, it’s been almost a full year since President [Donald] Trump signed the big budget bill that would reduce Medicaid spending by nearly a trillion dollars over the next decade, and this week we got the much-anticipated regulation outlining what states have to do in order to implement the new Medicaid work requirements for low-income adults on the program by next Jan. 1. And it’s safe to say that these rules 鈥 which are interim final rules, by the way, so that means they technically take effect immediately 鈥 are not what states were expecting. I want to break this down in pieces, but first, let’s talk about what a heavy lift this was going to be for the 43 states that are required to put these rules into effect.  before the rules came out, right? 

Ollstein: Yes, this is being pitched as a massive money saver, that was how it was framed. It’s being scored that way in the original bill in order to pay for a bunch of other things: tax cuts, etc. 

Rovner: I would say it is a money saver for the federal government, right? 

Ollstein: Well, that is the promise, that it will save money by reducing the number of people covered by Medicaid. And so proponents of this frame it as cracking down on waste, fraud, and abuse, arguing that the only people who are going to get booted off of Medicaid are the people who deserve to be booted off of Medicaid, because in this piece of it they’re not working or volunteering or going to school or caring for a sick relative. We looked at, yes, this is aimed at saving federal money, but it is currently costing states millions or tens of millions of dollars to implement. It is extremely expensive to implement. States are having to hire a lot of people, they’re having to create, you know, brand-new tech systems that, or upgrade their old tech systems that they didn’t have before. And a lot of state officials told us that this is coming at really the worst time for them. They’re already losing other federal funding, they are really struggling, they’re having to make lots of cuts to social services. And so there just isn’t a lot of extra money to go around. And yet they have to spend all this money to implement these rules. And, especially, Democratic officials were telling us that, Look, we wouldn’t mind having to invest this money if it were going to lead to covering more people or offering people better, more comprehensive coverage. But they really resent having to spend this money in order to cover fewer people in the future.  

Rovner: So, let’s get to the rules themselves. As I like to explain, there are two big things that states are going to have to do here: first, to determine which Medicaid recipients are exempt from that community engagement requirement 鈥 to work, volunteer, or attend school 80 hours per month 鈥 and second, to determine if those who are not exempt are actually meeting the requirements. And these new rules make both of those harder for states, right, Margot? 

Sanger-Katz: Yeah, I think it’s been like this huge freak-out among states over these last few weeks, because there were a lot of rumors flying around, but I think there was just this concern, like, Whoa, if they make major changes right now, it’s going to be even harder for us to implement. And for states that were, as Alice said, some of these blue states that were trying to minimize the coverage losses under the Medicaid work requirement, I think they were worried, Well, they’re only going to make it stricter; they’re only going to make it harsherWhy would they be changing things now? And so, , it turns out that is, in fact, what they did, that there were a number of policy choices where they decided to apply a stricter standard than what states had been told before this week. 

So what are the biggest examples of this? I think there are two. One is that the work requirement doesn’t apply to everyone. The Republicans in Congress basically said we want people, adults without young children and without disabilities, to be engaged in their communities 鈥 to work, volunteer, go to school a minimum number of hours each month if they want to stay eligible for Medicaid. But we understand that there are certain people who are going to have trouble doing that, and so we want to have exceptions for those people. So not everyone has to do the work requirement, a bunch of people don’t have to. And the biggest category of this was a category that Congress called “medical frailty.” The idea was these are people who have medical problems that, like, might make it hard for them to work, or who might really suffer if they lost their health insurance. So, depending on who you talk to, that was what Congress was trying to protect with that exception. And what CMS [the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services] had been telling states over these last few months is: Put together a list of diagnoses of serious illnesses, and you can data match, you know, you have people in your Medicaid system already. OK, if they had cancer, if they have HIV, if they have Parkinson’s disease, that’s a serious illness. Those people are medically frail. You can just automatically exempt them, and then you don’t have to check their work hours. 

Rovner: That’s what Nebraska is already doing, right? Because they’re one of the states that have started this early. 

Sanger-Katz: Correct. Yeah, so Nebraska is already live with its work requirement. And, again, Nebraska, even more so than these other states, got tons of guidance from CMS, because they were so excited to go first, and they wanted to do everything right. They wanted to be a good example. And I think CMS wanted them to demonstrate, OK, you can like do this policy. Yeah, they had a list, I think they had like 300 pages of diagnostic codes, you know, like all these diseases. If you have these diseases, we’re gonna exempt you, then you don’t have to demonstrate work hours. If you don’t, OK, like, then you’re gonna have to prove that you’re working or volunteering or going to school. 

So what the rule said is, like, that’s not good enough. It is not good enough to have cancer 鈥 that in order to be exempted from having to demonstrate that you are working, you have to prove that you have cancer, and that your cancer is creating a problem that would make it hard for you to work. And the rule creates a standard where states are going to have to evaluate not just what diseases people have, which might be easy to do using medical records, for at least people who are already enrolled and who have been getting medical care, but instead that they have to make something like a disability determination, which is something that the states were really not ready for, that they don’t really have the staff to do or the training to do, and that cannot be easily automated on the back end right now. I think there’s not an easy way for them to go into the medical record and decide whether or not someone’s illness is serious enough that it would impair their ability to work. And the language that they use in the rule, the standard, is not actually really like the standard in other programs that have work requirements, so the states have no experience with the standard.  

And, as it turns out, doctors don’t really have any experience with this standard either. So, you know, when you are making a workman’s comp claim, for example, like the doctors have forms, there’s a system, they understand what it means to be too sick to work because of an injury that would preclude you from workman’s comp. And in SNAP [Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program], it turns out, there’s also a standard if you’re unable to work, you could get out of the work requirements. But that is slightly different. And so I think there is this real concern by states that they just like actually don’t know how to do this. There might be some AI [artificial intelligence] solution where they’re data mining in the medical records and trying to figure out if they have these codes, and these codes, like, maybe there’s a way to prove that someone is sick enough. What most people that I’ve talked to said is that basically this is going to be a system that’s largely going to be achieved with doctors’ notes. Doctors have to be willing to do this thing that they’ve never done before, and they’re, you know, having to sign that someone can’t work, and that’s going to be a lot of frictions in that process. And then there’s going to have to be a caseworker on the other end who is going to have to look at those doctors’ notes and is going to have to read them and decide whether the doctor has specified the impairment such that it is in compliance with the work requirement. 

So this is just a lot of like administrative headache. I think there are reasonable arguments for wanting to have this standard given what Congress’ intent was, that they wanted to have a work requirement. The point was they wanted people who could work to work, and they wanted people to be exempted who could not work. I think not everyone in Congress agrees with that, but I think some of them do. But I think the reality of how you actually do this in real life is much, much more complicated than that. There is no, like, godlike state that can just see how sick you are and can make these determinations. And so I think that states are really worried about this. They’re worried about how they’re going to get in compliance with this, they’re worried about all the changes they’re going to have to make to the systems that they’ve already built. And I think that a lot of advocates for people with Medicaid, and a lot of disease groups, advocates for people with serious illnesses, are very worried that many, many more people are going to lose coverage, and particularly people who are medically frail. You know, if you think about, say, a person with HIV, they may be in treatment and getting their medicines, and they might even have undetectable levels of HIV in their blood, and they are perfectly capable of working right now. But if they lose their health insurance and they lose their access to their prescription drugs, they fall out of treatment, their health condition could worsen pretty substantially. And I think we can all think of lots of other diseases that are like that. I think cancer is a good example. You know, some people are living with cancer, and it’s kind of like a chronic disease, but it’s because they’re getting regular care. If they lose their treatment&苍产蝉辫;鈥&苍产蝉辫;they lose their treatment for many other diseases we can think of that are like this. Depression, you know, certain kinds of mental health problems, if people fall out of treatment, that actually could impair their ability to work, and that causality could run in the opposite direction. So, I think this is a big change. 

And then the other change that they made is more technical, but it was like, how are people going to prove various things under this law? And a lot of states were just expecting people would be able to sign a statement and say, I am caring for a disabled relative&苍产蝉辫;鈥&苍产蝉辫;you can trust me, I’m signing under penalty of perjuryThis is what I’m doing. Or I volunteered 12 hours last month, you know, I’m just going to sign this under penalty of perjury. Because there’s not a good way to check. 

Rovner: And for the first year, that’s OK, right? They’re taking these attestations&苍产蝉辫;鈥&苍产蝉辫;

Sanger-Katz: For the first year, they’re going to allow it. And then after the first year, they’re going to allow it for medical frailty only 鈥 once. So if you sign up for Medicaid in 2028 and you claim that you’re too sick to work, you can sign a form that says that, but then, within the next six months, before you renew your coverage, you’re going to have to come back with some kind of medical record with some kind of doctor’s note that proves it. So you know these are some pretty big changes, and Trump administration officials said, you know, our view is this is consistent with [what] the law is for, which is to ensure that people are working and are engaged in their communities if they’re capable of doing it. They also said that this prohibition on people just signing statements is a way to avoid fraud, because why wouldn’t people just sign a statement saying that they didn’t have to do this work requirement if they could? But I think this is going to have real implications in the real world. It’s going to create a huge administrative headache for states. It’s probably going to impair a lot of people from getting coverage who would have otherwise been covered if CMS had stayed the course with what it had been telling states before. 

Rovner: So, I know my inbox is full of reactions from groups across the medical spectrum. Alice and Liz, I assume you guys are hearing lots of feedback about this, too. 

Ollstein: Absolutely. I mean, just like Margot said, there just isn’t really a good way to do this, trying to automate it and base it on medical claims, like 1) States don’t have that built yet, the different systems don’t, quote unquote, “talk to each other” in that way. But also, you know, just because someone used a certain number or kind of health services in a year doesn’t necessarily tell you whether they can work or not. You know, lots of people who are too sick to work maybe haven’t had the medical services, and someone who had a lot of medical services maybe can work fine. But then again, leaving it up to individual doctors who are not trained to make this determination, who don’t have the time to have a bunch of extra appointments just to do this, and who are more used to doing this for 鈥 Margot gave a few examples, but something some doctors brought up to me was like short-term disability, like evaluating, like, this is the number of weeks someone needs to recover from X surgery. So like that’s a determination a doctor feels qualified to make. Whether someone can work any job, I mean, that’s just not really something they can confidently say. I mean, working a job in a factory is not the same as working an email job, and what kind of jobs are available in this person’s area? It’s just a huge mess. 

Rovner: So, is there any chance the administration is going to back off? There is public comment being taken now until, I think, July. Or will Congress perhaps step in and say this is not what we intended, or does somebody get to sue here? I mean, or this is what’s called an interim, I’m saying, an interim final rule, so it’s not set in concrete yet. 

Sanger-Katz: I mean, I would not be at all surprised if we see lawsuits, but I think we’ll see something else happen first, which is: The law says the states have to get ready to go by&苍产蝉辫;鈥&苍产蝉辫;Dec. 31, 2026, to be ready to go live in January. But it says if they encounter a hardship, if they’ve been making good-faith effort towards getting ready for the work requirement, and they’ve encountered some hardship, and they, like, can’t make the deadline, they can apply for a waiver, basically a two-year extension from CMS. The Trump administration has been extremely clear to states about this all the way along, basically saying, You are not going to get these, we are not going to grant them, like, you know, maybe if there’s like a volcano that goes off in your state and the entire mainframe that holds your Medicaid enrollment system is melted, like, we’ll talk. But I think a lot of states now, especially some of these blue states that are really concerned about this stuff, I think that they are going to apply now, which they might not have done before. And I think if they are denied, I could see some lawsuits around that waiver process to just say, Look, like, you just changed the rules very late. There’s no practical way that we can get this done in time. We have been proceeding in good faith, and, you know, we need more time. So, I think that there could be litigation. I also think they did have this temporary policy for 2027 around self-attestation, which I think does help states get out of some of these, like, really tricky technical issues in the first year. I don’t know, like maybe there could be some further extension of that. But I don’t know. I’m curious, Alice, what, or Liz, what you think. But I am not holding out much expectation that Congress is going to make major changes here. 

Ollstein: Well, and because of the January deadline, making changes could solve one problem and create another. Because states already feel like they don’t have enough time, and they already feel like the rules of the game are being changed in the middle of the game. You know, what they had been spending months preparing for now has to change because of this guidance. If it changes yet again, and they have even less time to adapt and make a new change&苍产蝉辫;鈥&苍产蝉辫;like you said, they’re making hires, they’re trying to make contracts based on this, and so even as advocacy groups, and even states ask for additional changes, additional changes could make it even harder to implement in time. 

Rovner: All right, well, let us move on, because there’s lots more news. Speaking of new regulations, a proposed rule from the Office of Management and Budget would basically make all grant funding from the U.S. Treasury subject to political appointee approval. Currently, most grant-level awards are determined by career scientists and peer reviewers, who make decisions based on scientific merit. Under this new policy, grants would have to, quote, “demonstrably advance the president’s policy agenda.” At the same time, the new 400-page document includes many new rules for grant recipients, including universities and other entities, including limiting their ability to engage in so-called issue advocacy and allowing the revocation of grant funds if recipients take actions that are not deemed by administration political officials to be in, quote, “the public interest.” Now, all this isn’t totally new. Office of Management and Budget Director Russell Vought has been talking about this literally for years. It was laid out in Project 2025 as well as in several executive orders that have been issued by President Trump, which is why I think it’s getting relatively little attention, given the pretty earth-shaking changes that it envisions. Still, putting it out in an actual proposed regulation raises the stakes here, doesn’t it? 

Whyte: Yeah, I would echo that. This has been on Russ Vought’s radar for many years. If you talk to folks, you know, who know him and know his thinking, this all comes down to this thinking about the executive branch and its role in the Constitution, and how there shouldn’t really be independent agencies or branches of the executive branch that aren’t doing what the president wants. And so that is manifested in this regulation that says you can’t promote anti-American values, contribute to illegal immigration, things like that, that are policy priorities of this administration, and a new filter that’s going to be applied to all federal grant-making, once this is finalized. And it’s a distillation of that theory about the executive branch that is now coming out in practice. 

Rovner: Although going back to what we were just talking about with the Medicaid work requirements, I mean, the idea of having to have a political appointee involved at this extremely micro level in the hundreds of thousands of grants that the federal government issues every year. I mean, some of it is the ideology, but some of it is just the logistics. I know that this has been part of the problem of getting money out the door at the National Institutes of Health 鈥 is that normally money that just sort of flowed when it was approved by career workers now has to wait for the approval of a political appointee, and there are not enough political appointees to approve all of these things, and people aren’t getting their money. So, I mean, this is a logistical logjam, as well as an ideological one, right? 

Sanger-Katz: And we’ve seen some evidence of this. The Department of Homeland Security has had an informal policy like this, where the director was personally approving any expenditure, I think, more than 100 鈥攏ow, I’m forgetting. 

Rovner: $100,000, yeah, I think it was. 

Sanger-Katz: There was some threshold, and it did lead to this huge backlog, because you know this is a busy person who has a lot of other things to do. And it was leading to a lot of money not getting spent that had been authorized by the staff members who thought it was appropriate. And I think there’s also potential for corruption with this kind of system, where you have these bottlenecks where very few people are making all the decisions about where money goes, because then there is an obvious focus on where you send your lobbying efforts to try to get favorable outcomes in contracting and in grant-making. 

Whyte: Yeah, the concern from the science and public health organizations is that the merit of the scientific grant will no longer matter, that how good the science is won’t be the chief thing. 

Rovner: Yeah, that this is all about, you know, promoting the president’s agenda. I’m just wondering what Republicans will feel about this when Democrats, you know, take back the administration and try to do the same thing. 

Whyte: I think that’s exactly the concern that a lot of conservatives on the Hill have, which is, you know, all of this is fine and well, but you’re not going to like it when the tables turn. 

Rovner: Yeah, that was 鈥 that’s what I said, you know, when the Affordable Care Act passed, I said, there’s an awful lot of places where it says the secretary shall, or the secretary may, or the secretary will. I said, you know, the secretary’s not always going to be somebody who supports this. That&苍产蝉辫;鈥&苍产蝉辫;turned out to be a correct prediction.  

Moving on, the idea of this administration playing down its vaccine skepticism was so last month. Last Friday, President Trump issued an executive order basically endorsing Health and Human Services Secretary [Robert F.] Kennedy [Jr.]’s revamp of the childhood vaccine schedule, and ordering the CDC [Centers for Disease Control and Prevention] to review it and, quote, “take any appropriate steps to update said schedule.” What happened to “This isn’t popular, so we’re not going to push it,” or is doing this on a Friday afternoon how the administration is trying to placate the MAHA [Make America Healthy Again] movement, but not really make big headlines here? I also 鈥 this is another story that I think kind of flew below the radar. 

Whyte: Yeah, it’s funny because HHS can’t really say anything about this executive order due to their litigation ongoing, and so it’s just kind of out there. But it’s totally unclear to everybody why or what it’s expected to do, given that the court has put everything regarding the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices on hold, and there currently is no ACIP. So what exactly the White House was intending with this remains pretty opaque, I think. 

Rovner: Like a lot of things, although I have started to, you know, like, pay attention on Friday afternoons again. Meanwhile, our podcast colleague  about how the anti-vax movement is trying to achieve its goal through the courts by arguing that vaccine mandates that lack religious exemptions are unconstitutional. And one of those cases is likely to reach the Supreme Court at some point in the not-too-distant future. What would it mean to public health if the court were to actually strike down the ability of states to impose vaccine mandates, which is one of the possible outcomes here? Or, as the groups claim, is this just about getting the five states that don’t have religious exemptions from vaccines into alignment with the rest of the states? 

Sanger-Katz: I think there is pretty strong evidence from the studies of state policies over the years that having really limited exemptions on mandatory vaccination really increases the number of kids who get vaccinated, that the more ways there are to kind of wiggle out of the requirement, the more parents will choose one of those options. And the narrower the exceptions, the fewer will. So, there are clearly some parents who really, really care about this issue and who do qualify for one of these exemptions. But I think there’s a larger number of parents who are maybe ambivalent or have kind of weakly held preferences not to vaccinate; if they’re not really being forced to do it, they won’t do it. If they are really being forced to go through a lot of administrative burden to prove that they need an exception, then they tend to vaccinate. And so I think this is an exception that almost every state already has, but I think that the evidence is relatively clear that opening up more exceptions in those states that don’t have them now, probably on the margin, will lead to fewer kids getting vaccinated in those states. 

Whyte: Yeah, the five states that don’t allow religious exemptions to vaccine mandates are West Virginia, California, New York, Connecticut, and Maine. So that would be, you know, an immediate effect there. But then I think we can expect from a Supreme Court precedent, if one is set, that other states, state legislatures, local school districts would perhaps expand the religious exemptions they have now, or make them easier. We’ve seen that how much friction there is when you get a religious exemption really matters. So, like, do you have to just sign a form, click a box, or do you have to go meet with someone and prove that you, you know, have sincerely held beliefs on this matter? And those kind of friction points matter a lot too. 

Rovner: Yeah, I just, I couldn’t help thinking, as I was reading this story, about going back to the Dobbs case, the abortion case, which was not originally intended or filed as one that was going to overturn Roe, and makes me wonder what the Supreme Court might do, even if the question that’s raised is, you know, about these religious exemptions, could they go on and overturn 鈥 I think that precedent was from 1905 that said that states can have vaccine mandates 鈥 and wondering whether a) that’s possible, and b) that’s likely. 

Sanger-Katz: It’s always hard to predict what the Supreme Court is going to do. 

Rovner: Always. 

Sanger-Katz: It’s really up to them. They’re an idiosyncratic group of people who get the final say on a lot of things. 

Whyte: I thought it was interesting, Lauren’s story was great, and one of the things it pointed out is that what the Supreme Court did is specifically give instructions to this lower court to go back and look at this question about religious exemptions for vaccine mandates using a case that happened in Maryland, where the Supreme Court found that the school district could not mandate that kids participate in lessons with LGBTQ content that would conflict with their parents’ religious beliefs. So in other words, the families had a religious right to not have to participate into that in school. And the Supreme Court is asking, is there a similar right that a family would have to not have to participate in vaccination to attend school? So that’ll be an interesting question, and it could, as we said, you know, have big impacts across the states and how school districts handle vaccine mandates for kindergartners. 

Rovner: Although I think this will take a while to play out. And before we leave the subject of vaccines, an update to our discussion from a couple of weeks back about the global vaccine alliance known as Gavi, which the U.S. owes some $600 million appropriated by Congress. That’s money that’s been held up by HHS Secretary RFK Jr. At a hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Tuesday, Secretary of State Marco Rubio said his agency, which has historically been in charge of Gavi for the U.S. government, said that it is, quote, “sort of at a stage where we are going to re-engage. We need to drive this to an outcome.” Was that his polite way of saying that he plans to give Gavi the money that Congress allocated to it, and RFK Jr.’s concerns be damned? 

Whyte: I think a lot of people are reading it that way. You know, the State Department has a very practical view on these things. I also thought the way that Rubio phrased how they were giving Secretary Kennedy a large amount of deference because of his strongly held views on this matter was a very interesting insight into how the Cabinet works and how Trump has instructed his top officials to work together. And I think part of the problem here is that they’re just running into the practicalities of not having an Ebola vaccine. And so the State Department is going to have to do what it feels must be done. 

Rovner: Yeah, it was just a little peek behind the curtain of this intra-agency squabble that’s going on. We’ll wait and see if that happens. 

Whyte: I should say that they don’t have a vaccine for this newest outbreak that is going on. They, you know, the older Ebola vaccine, it was not appropriate to treat this one or to prevent this. 

Rovner: All right. We’re going to take a quick break. We will be right back. 

All right. Our theme this week seems to be federal rulemaking. So, here’s another one. The Trump administration has issued final rules attempting to fix the arbitration system created in the, quote, “No Surprises Act” 鈥 that it is safe to say has not worked as it was designed by Congress. Margot, remind us what went haywire with the process that’s actually in practice [to] dramatically increase what providers get paid, and will these new rules make it all better?  

Sanger-Katz: So this is a system supposed to solve the problem of surprise medical billing when you, say, go to the emergency room and some doctor treats you, and it turns out that that doctor didn’t take your insurance and sends you a huge bill. So the law did away with that, basically said no one is allowed to send you a huge bill in that situation, and then it created a system on the back end for the insurance company and the doctor to kind of fight it out and figure out what the doctor was going to get paid if they didn’t have a contract with that insurance company. And the expectation of Congress was that this is a system that would be used fairly rarely, that most of the time this would be negotiated between the parties; they would just decide on a price and work it out, but every once in a while there would be a rare case where they would need to litigate their dispute. And it would go, they set up this arbitration system where a neutral arbiter, usually a lawyer, but not always, would hear arguments from each side and decide who had the more reasonable position, and would have to choose between the two bids. They couldn’t negotiate any further, but, you know, the doctor would say, This was a very complicated case, I deserve $10,000. And the insurance company would say, No, no, no, like, normally for this kind of visit we pay $500. And the arbitrator would have to decide which is more reasonable: $10,000 or $500. 

What’s happened, I think, to the surprise of a lot of people, is that instead of 17,000 of these cases going to arbitration, which is what CMS expected when the law passed, more than a million are going through a year. There has just been an explosion of cases coming through the system. Lots and lots of medical disputes are now being decided using this process, and the doctors are winning almost all of the time. I think in the last quarter for which there is data, 88% of these arbitration claims are being decided in favor of doctors. And because of that, the doctors, in many cases, have started getting more aggressive in what they ask for. Because they keep winning, there is not really an incentive to say that price is normally $500. They’re much more likely now to ask for $10,000 than early on in the system, where maybe they were asking for $1,000. And so we’re seeing some really eye-popping awards. Not all of them; there are a fair number of awards that are, you know, within a reasonable number of multiples of what the normal price is. But there are an increasing number where doctors are just getting huge, huge, huge increases over what you would expect. And my colleague Sarah Kliff and I wrote a story a few weeks ago about a plastic surgeon in New York and New Jersey who was routinely collecting fees of hundreds of thousands of dollars for breast reduction surgeries that he had previously accepted payments of around $10,000 from the same insurer prior to this law going into place. So big problems. Lots of complaints from insurers, as you can imagine, and also from employers who, in many cases, are actually paying the bills for their workers’ health insurance directly, because they have these self-insured ERISA [Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974] plans. 

This rule that just came out is not getting at the real, like, meat of the system, how the arbitration works, and what&苍产蝉辫;鈥&苍产蝉辫;how the arbitrators make their decisions. But it’s dealing with, like, a lot of, like, technical issues about, you know, how do you submit paperwork? What kind of information do you provide? Is it all in one computer system? How can you make sure that you have identified the right insurance company? And what are the administrative fees that you pay when you want to initiate one of these claims? And so this is a very hot issue. I wrote this one story, and, like, everyone is just really worked up about it. The doctors are really worked up about it, the insurers are really worked up about it, the arbitrators are really worked, you know, everyone feels strongly about this law, and whether it’s going well or not well, or what changes or they want or don’t want. Everybody loved this rule. As far as I can tell, there have been, like, basically no complaints about this rule. The one complaint I’ve seen is that they lowered the fee to file a new case, and so I think people who feel like there are too many of these cases would like it to be a little harder to file a new case. But, in general, it seems like these were expected, helpful, technical upgrades that are just going to make the process work a little bit more smoothly and deal with some of the annoying administrative headaches. 

Rovner: But not address the deeper problem. 

Sanger-Katz: The bigger issues, I think, really do require the involvement of Congress. If Congress wants to revisit the law and change the way that this overall system is structured, they’re probably going to have to write new legislation. And I’m not sure how large the appetite is for that right now. 

Rovner: Yeah, I’m not going to hold my breath on that one. All right, that’s as much news as we have time for this week. Now, we will play my “Bill of the Month” interview with Lauren Sausser, and then we will come back and do our extra credits. 

I am pleased to welcome back to the podcast 麻豆女优 Health News’ Lauren Sausser, who reported and wrote the latest “Bill of the Month.” Hi, Lauren. 

Lauren Sausser: Hi. 

Rovner: So, this month’s patient got caught in one of those fights between the insurance company and the hospital, and, of course, it turned out to be harder to untangle it than it should have been. Tell us who she was, what happened to her, what kind of care she needed. 

Sausser: Sure, so Jan Anderson is a 65-year-old woman who splits her time between Arizona and Washington state. And Jan was hiking with her husband about a year ago in Arizona. They were in Sedona. And later that afternoon 鈥 it might have even been pushing into early evening 鈥 she started repeating herself. So she asked her husband, Did we hike today? And he said, Yes, we hiked. And then a few seconds later she asked the exact same question, Did we hike today? And it was clear almost immediately that Jan needed to be seen. So her husband drove her to a freestanding ER in the Sedona area, and that facility assessed her but was not equipped to deal with patients who might be experiencing stroke. They didn’t know what was happening with Jan at this point, so she was airlifted to a hospital in the Phoenix area, where she was admitted. And they ran a bunch of different tests and images, and it turns out she wasn’t having a stroke, she was having, she was experiencing an episode of something that’s called temporary [transient] global amnesia 鈥 which, the good news is, is benign, and as the name suggests, temporary. But her hospital bill ended up being quite a lot, even though it was less of an emergency than they originally thought. 

Rovner: Well, of course, that’s what they always tell you: If you’re having symptoms, you should go to the emergency room. So, she did have insurance, right? So, why did the hospital in Phoenix think that she didn’t? And how much was the bill? 

Sausser: OK, so the total bill was $59,181. That’s just for the care she received at the hospital in the Phoenix area. She did have insurance. She was insured through Molina [Healthcare], and it was a plan that she had purchased through the federal healthcare.gov marketplace. For some reason, though, her insurance information was not transferred from that freestanding ER in Sedona to the facility where she was airlifted in the Phoenix area. So it was a mistake, but that second facility billed her as if she was a self-pay patient with no health insurance. 

Rovner: Now, once the hospital did figure out that she had insurance, why did the insurance company then still reject the claim? 

Sausser: It took a while to get some answers on this, but eventually Jan learned that Molina was not going to cover the cost of that care she received in Phoenix, because the Phoenix hospital had not sought prior authorization for her to be admitted. Now, under the federal No Surprises Act, emergency services are supposed to be paid for in-network without prior authorization. In this case, the insurer was saying Yes, we do cover emergency services without prior authorization, but in this case her care team was recommending that she be admitted. And the insurer argued that the insurance company needed to be notified before that happened. 

Rovner: So, I know I ask this question all the time: Why didn’t the No Surprises bill [Act] get the patient out of the middle of this obvious insurance company hospital dispute?  

Sausser: This&苍产蝉辫;鈥&苍产蝉辫;in this case, the No Surprises Act kind of worked. Jan received a bill pretty early on saying she owed about $15,000 of that $59,000 total charge. After she told the hospital that she did indeed have coverage, that bill was suspended. There was no one technically knocking on her door pressuring her to pay any amount of the charges she had accumulated in the Phoenix hospital. But every time she would log on to her patient portal, she would see these outstanding charges. The hospital didn’t understand why the insurance company wouldn’t pay. The insurance company was saying she needed to have had prior authorization, and these charges just weren’t disappearing, and so eventually she started reaching out to insurance commissioners, lawmakers, trying to get someone to pay attention, because she was worried at some point she might owe the hospital $59,000. She couldn’t get these charges resolved, and didn’t understand why. 

Rovner: And what eventually happened? 

Sausser: Well, she eventually contacted us. And, as is often the case when journalists get involved with these health insurance issues, the ball started moving. So Molina started talking to the hospital in the Phoenix area, the Phoenix-area hospital has assured Jan that she will not be billed for any of the $59,000. Even if Molina doesn’t pay, the hospital has assured her that they will write off the balance and that she will not be billed. Jan has asked for that assurance in writing. As of the last time I spoke to her, she hasn’t gotten that, but she has been told she will not have to pay any of it. 

Rovner: So, what’s the takeaway here? I mean, it sounds like, you know, she did everything right, and it seems to be resolved. 

Sausser: It seems to be resolved, although the last I heard the $59,000 in charges haven’t necessarily gone away. I spoke with a patient billing expert about this, and the advice that she gave in a situation like this, you know, when you have a hospital stay, you get all sorts of paperwork in the mail afterward. You get paperwork from the insurer, you get paperwork from the provider. This billing expert recommends that you look at the patient responsibility portion of your explanation of benefits. Now that’s a document that you will get from your insurance company. It should list the charges that the hospital has billed, but it should also list the portion of those charges that the patient is responsible for. In Jan’s case, her explanation of benefits clearly stated that she was not responsible for any of it. Now, that didn’t mean that those $59,000 in charges was automatically disappearing, as this story shows. More than a year later, it’s still not resolved. But it shows you that the insurance company is saying you are not responsible for this bill, in this case. The billing expert that I spoke to recommended that the patient mail or email the explanation of benefits from the insurer to the hospital and show that the patient responsibility is zero, in order to get that balance cleared.  

Rovner: We’ll see if this happens. Lauren Sausser, thank you so much. 

Sausser: Of course, thanks for having me. 

Rovner: OK, we’re back. It’s time for our extra-credit segment. That’s where we each recognize a story we read this week we think you should read, too. Don’t worry if you miss it. We will post the links in our show notes on your phone or other mobile device. Alice, why don’t you start us off this week? 

Ollstein: Yeah, I have a very interesting piece from The New York Times by Simar Bajaj, and it’s called “.” And it is about the trend we’re seeing under the MAHA movement, largely, you know, expressed by Secretary Kennedy, back towards putting a lot of focus on personal responsibility, personal lifestyle choices, and less focus on policy and environmental factors. And it’s, you know, digging into the history of that on a few different fronts, both with, you know, infectious diseases, but also with things like obesity. And it is talking about basically how we’re seeing a return to a system that didn’t really work before, which is, you know, basically browbeating and shaming people into healthier behaviors that did not work in the past. And yet we are sort of attempting to revive that, and part of that is a reaction to the fact that trying to move away from that also hasn’t seemed to work either. So it really explores these, the different history of these approaches in public health. 

Rovner: That’s why public health will continue to be studied. Margot. 

Sanger-Katz: I want to suggest an article in ProPublica from Alec MacGillis called “.” I’ve been interested in the public health problem of gun deaths for many years, and I have to admit that Alec in the story has tackled an issue that I just wasn’t watching. I think it’s, like, one of these other things that has a little bit slipped beneath the radar, because the Trump administration makes so much news. But they, through the ATF [Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives], which regulates firearms and firearms dealers, has really loosened up a lot of the restrictions that the Biden administration had put in place to try to prevent the trafficking of illegal guns onto the streets of American cities, where a lot of crime happens. And the story sort of looks at those policy changes and what it means for gun dealers and for people who buy guns. And I think it is too soon to tell whether these policy changes will have an effect on violence and gun deaths on the streets. I think it takes, in many cases, a long time for illegal guns to kind of get out there and be used for crimes. But we have been in this period of really merciful reduction in the crime rate and the murder rate in many American cities for the last few years, and I do think that Alec raises the question that if we are seeing more guns on the streets of the future, whether those declines can be sustained.  

Rovner: Liz. 

Whyte: My choice is from my colleagues Anna Wilde Mathews and Christopher Weaver at The Wall Street Journal, and it’s entitled “.” And it’s a really great look at how there are all these providers that have really exploited this new and growing segment of therapy for kids with autism, which is obviously a growing diagnosis, such that you have, you know, this mom in New Jersey who hears that she can get a no-out-of-pocket-cost treatment for her son and has someone come a few days a week, three or four hours of therapy, and winds up with a bill for more than $900,000, which is obviously a nightmare. So we had previously looked, The Wall Street Journal had, [at] Medicaid billing abuse with these autism therapy services, and found that it was a huge issue. And then this is a look at kind of the private insurance sector, where all these providers are charging private insurance a lot, and when an insurer says, No, we’re not going to pay that, some of these bills end up falling on the families, which is really tragic. About 40 large employers, covering 3.5 million people, their expenses for autism therapy doubled from 2021 to 2025, to $108 million. The Wall Street Journal looked at a bill that was $30,000 for one kid to get autism therapy for one day; it’s actually quite insane. So, kudos to my colleagues for writing about this.  

Sanger-Katz: Can I share one fact from this article that really struck me? 

Rovner: Sure. 

Sanger-Katz: One of the things that these reporters did that I thought was so smart is they documented the growth in the autism services workforce. So, the number of people who are providing this kind of behavioral therapy to children with autism is now larger than the workforce of the U.S. Postal Service. That’s according to a tweet from Derek Thompson, who compared the numbers. But it is kind of astonishing, the growth, not just in the Medicaid spending, not just in private insurance spending, not just in some of these unjustifiable bills that individuals have faced, but also that this is now a huge part of the American workforce is serving in this specific industry right now.  

Rovner: And if this story sounds familiar, it’s because we had a different autism therapy abuse story last week as one of our extra credits. It was written by Margot here, and Sarah Kliff. Yeah, a burgeoning source for reporters to plumb. My extra credit this week is a joint investigation between my colleagues here at 麻豆女优 Health News and the AP. It’s called “Festering Infections to Untreated Cancer: ICE Detainees Describe Medical Neglect Across US.” The team of six reporters and analysts dug through court records to document that hundreds of immigration detainees in 33 states have filed suit, charging that they were denied adequate medical care. Quoting from the story, “Requests for help went unanswered for weeks, blood sugars rose, infections festered, cancers remained untreated, detainees collapsed and had seizures.” And there’s not even anyone to complain to. Officially, the administration shut down the office of the Immigration Detention Ombudsman earlier this year. The story is really infuriating and worth reading in its entirety. 

OK, that is this week’s news. Thanks to our editor this week, Stephanie Stapleton, and our producer-engineer, Francis Ying. We also had production help this week from Taylor Cook. A reminder: What the Health? is now available on WAMU platforms, the NPR app, and wherever you get your podcasts 鈥 as well as, of course, kffhealthnews.org. Also, as always, you can email us your comments or questions. We’re at whatthehealth@kff.org. Or you can still find me on X , or on Bluesky . Where are you guys hanging these days? Alice. 

Ollstein: I am on Bluesky , and on X . 

Rovner: Liz. 

Whyte: I am , and on X , and Signal: JournoLiz.80. 

Rovner: Margot. 

Sanger-Katz: I am @sangerkatz at , and on Signal. If you want to send me tips, I’m @sangerkatz.01. 

Rovner: We will be back in your feed next week. Until then, be healthy. 

Credits

Francis Ying Audio producer
Taylor Cook Audio producer
Stephanie Stapleton Editor

Click here to find all our podcasts.

And subscribe to “What the Health? From 麻豆女优 Health News” on , , , , , or wherever you listen to podcasts.

麻豆女优 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 麻豆女优鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/podcast/what-the-health-449-medicaid-work-rules-exemptions-june-4-2026/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">麻豆女优 Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

<img id="republication-tracker-tool-source" src="/?republication-pixel=true&post=2244767&amp;ga4=G-J74WWTKFM0&quot; style="width:1px;height:1px;">]]>
2244767
Louisiana鈥檚 Reporting Law Chills Immigrant Medicaid Applications /medicaid/immigrants-medicaid-children-applications-louisiana-crackdown-citizenship/ Thu, 04 Jun 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2244790 Yolibeth’s 4-year-old daughter scrambled headfirst onto a cushy leather love seat at their home near New Orleans and pushed a hairbrush into the hands of Miriam Romero, a health coordinator who works with the family. Romero placed the girl in her lap and started brushing her dark hair.

Yolibeth, a 38-year-old single mother who moved to South Louisiana from Honduras 15 years ago, watched them, smiling. The daughter is the youngest of five children living in this mixed-status household. Yolibeth and her two oldest kids don’t have legal immigration status, but the other three 鈥 ages 4, 9, and 13 鈥 were born in the U.S. and are citizens.

All of her U.S.-born kids were enrolled in Medicaid at birth, which made it affordable for her to take them to the doctor for regular checkups when they were little. Her oldest two, ages 15 and 17, have never had health insurance, so Yolibeth relies on low-cost community clinics when she can afford it.

But now she worries that healthcare access for all of her children is slipping away. Yolibeth has been waiting for months to hear whether any of her children’s Medicaid renewal applications  has been approved. She fears they will be denied because of a new Louisiana law targeting noncitizen Medicaid enrollees, even though she isn’t applying for herself. She worries particularly about her 4-year-old’s access to routine care and required childhood vaccines.

“鈥奍 cannot access the same services, and so my child is not getting what she needs to grow healthy,” Yolibeth said in Spanish as her daughter giggled on the love seat.

Verite News and 麻豆女优 Health News agreed to not use Yolibeth’s full name, because she is worried about repercussions related to her immigration status.

Two women stand side-by-side, each with an arm around the other, and face away from the camera toward a building.
Romero (left) welcomes a community member to Familias Unidas en Acción’s office in New Orleans in April. (Christiana Botic/Verite News and CatchLight Local/Report for America)

Romero, who works for a local immigrant advocacy group, said that in a single week she received calls from eight immigrant families who had been denied after applying for Medicaid on behalf of children who are citizens.

“Because of the law that passed in Louisiana, children are losing their Medicaid every day,” Romero said in Spanish. “The more time that goes by, the more children are impacted by it.”

Romero said that all children from mixed-status families are likely to be denied Medicaid by the end of the year.

Missing Out on Care

Nationally, many immigrants said they skipped or delayed healthcare last year, citing issues including costs, struggles finding services, and fears about their or a family member’s immigration status, by 麻豆女优 and The New York Times. Immigrants without legal status were the most likely to skip or delay care for themselves or their children. An increasing number of immigrants avoided applying for programs like Medicaid, too scared to risk drawing attention to their or a family member’s immigration status, even if they were eligible.

In Louisiana, where about a third of residents are enrolled in Medicaid, the has added to those fears. The law requires the Louisiana Department of Health to verify Medicaid applicants’ U.S. citizenship, terminate coverage for applicants with “unsatisfactory” proof of status, and report those applicants to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Since the measure passed in Louisiana, similar bills have passed in North Carolina, Wyoming, Indiana, and Tennessee. At least three other states were considering similar measures this year.

State Rep. Chance Keith Henry, a Republican who sponsored the Louisiana bill, did not return calls or emails from Verite News seeking comment on the effects of the law. He said in last year’s state House floor debate that he didn’t anticipate any chilling effect on immigrants seeking healthcare. He also said that children born in the U.S. to parents without legal status would still receive Medicaid.

“This is making sure that American citizens and our taxpayers are taken care of and not illegal immigrants,” he said in the May 2025 floor debate.

State health officials said Medicaid applicants can’t be reported to ICE under the law without a formal investigation request by “the appropriate authorities.” Otherwise, reporting applicants without their consent would violate federal Medicaid and privacy laws.

But immigrant rights advocates say the law has had a chilling effect on applications and has led to immigrant families losing healthcare and resources they qualify for.

They said cutting off that access compounds the fear created by immigration enforcement crackdowns in states including and Minnesota, and by federal policy changes such as between ICE and the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services and for Medicaid.

Advocates said it’s unclear whether the new law has led to any detainments or deportations of people applying for Medicaid or other public benefit programs. But Aaron Moseley-Saldívar, a legal and public policy adviser with the Louisiana Organization for Refugees and Immigrants, said the legislative and policy changes act as a deterrent to immigrant families, even if they qualify for Medicaid as a legal resident, refugee, or asylum seeker, or have another form of legal status.

“鈥奝eople are not applying for things that they probably otherwise would be eligible for, because they are intimidated by these laws and they’re worried that they’re going to get caught up in the system,” Moseley-Saldívar said. “鈥奩ou have a large amount of people in Louisiana that are not leaving their homes at all, because they’re afraid of policies like this.”

Moseley-Saldívar said he believes the Louisiana law and similar policies are primarily aimed at removing people from state services. The state legislature passed a on May 27 to build on the 2025 law. It seeks to further narrow which noncitizens are qualified for public benefits in Louisiana, even though such restrictions for Medicaid are typically governed at the federal level.

The Louisiana Department of Health’s on the new law does not contain any data on applicants reported to ICE since the law took effect last August. But by February of this year, the state had terminated the coverage of 87% of enrollees who had unverified immigration or citizenship status as of June 2025.

From July 1, 2024, to June 30, 2025, according to the report, 1% of the 1.6 million people in Louisiana enrolled in Medicaid weren’t citizens, and fewer than 4,000 had an unclear immigration status.

A view from outside looking into a building through a door with screen where a woman stands with her hand to the door as if she's about to push it open.
Romero says that all children from mixed-status families in Louisiana are likely to be denied Medicaid by the end of the year. (Christiana Botic/Verite News and CatchLight Local/Report for America)

鈥楢 Double-Edged Sword’

Late last year, more than 600 people lined up at 4 a.m. outside a Louisiana Organization for Refugees and Immigrants health fair, hoping to receive a free health checkup, said Sharon Njie, the nonprofit’s communications and strategic partners director. The fair was scheduled to begin at 9 a.m.

“鈥奧e had to start calling the doctors to see if they could come there at 7 a.m., because these people have been waiting for two hours in the cold,” Njie said. “We were so overwhelmed.”

Romero said some families in the New Orleans area have been waiting six months to vaccinate their children at one of the free events put on by healthcare providers. But she said fewer free health events for children have been scheduled, and even fewer for adults. For many of the residents she works with, Romero said, preventive care such as a Pap smear or prostate screening is out of reach.

“The challenge right now is a double-edged sword of people not going to the doctor out of fear but also ending up in an emergency that is too hard to treat,” Romero said. “It’s a life-or-death situation.”

For families with no other option, Njie and Romero try to connect people to doctors sympathetic to the immigrants’ plight and willing to absorb the cost of care or offer a discount, such as medical providers who are immigrants themselves.

But that does not address the systemic problems of immigrant access to healthcare created by the state law and federal immigration policies, or the lower quality of care for those who seek it. For example, one local New Orleans clinic, Luke’s House, caters to Spanish-speakers and immigrants, though it’s staffed largely by medical students, Romero said, so the level of care isn’t the same.

A close-up of hands holding several colorful brochures.
Romero says some families in the New Orleans area have been waiting six months to vaccinate their children at one of the free events put on by healthcare providers. (Christiana Botic/Verite News and CatchLight Local/Report for America)

While she waits for word on three of her kids’ Medicaid applications, Yolibeth secured a free insurance plan for them on the Louisiana Affordable Care Act marketplace, she said. But she hasn’t found any doctors who will accept the coverage, she said, leaving them effectively uninsured.

When her 13-year-old son recently fell ill, she wanted to take him to a pediatrician. But she said she couldn’t afford the $200 the appointment would have cost, plus any tests and medication.

Without a doctor’s note to provide proof of his illness, she said, she had to send her sick son to school, potentially exposing other children to a virus. Earlier in the school year, she was called into the school’s office after he missed five days because of illness. In Louisiana, truancy can be punishable with parental fines, community service, or jail.

Romero said if enough school is missed because of sickness, a criminal case could lead to family separation.

“That is unthinkable,” she said. “All because a family could not afford to take a child to see the doctor as opposed to these things being guaranteed to begin with.”

麻豆女优 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 麻豆女优鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/medicaid/immigrants-medicaid-children-applications-louisiana-crackdown-citizenship/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">麻豆女优 Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

<img id="republication-tracker-tool-source" src="/?republication-pixel=true&post=2244790&amp;ga4=G-J74WWTKFM0&quot; style="width:1px;height:1px;">]]>
2244790
Trump鈥檚 Medicaid Work Rules Force States To Scrap Plans and Rework Systems /medicaid/trump-law-medicaid-work-rules-states-overhaul-eligibility-systems/ Wed, 03 Jun 2026 19:53:14 +0000 /?p=2246301 The Trump administration’s rollout of a federal mandate that millions of Americans on Medicaid must work or risk losing health benefits will force states to scrap months of preparation, according to advocates for Medicaid enrollees and consultants advising states.

And they say an overhaul 鈥 less than seven months before states must start enforcing the requirement 鈥 will be costly.

by the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services dictate many granular details about how the new work requirements will play out. They cover how states should check whether Medicaid enrollees are following the rules, and how people can claim an exemption so that their health benefits don’t hinge on work, community service, or going to school.

Next year, President Donald Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act could require roughly across 42 states and the District of Columbia who receive Medicaid benefits to prove they’re working or participating in a similar activity to keep their health coverage 鈥 unless they qualify for an exemption.

Much of the verification will run through state computer systems that assess whether low-income people qualify for Medicaid and other safety net programs 鈥 technology often built and run by private companies under contracts routinely worth hundreds of millions of dollars. Many of those systems have a history of errors that can cut off benefits to eligible people.

For months, states have been communicating with federal regulators and rushing to build systems to comply with the looming mandates, said Kinda Serafi, a partner at the Manatt Health consulting and legal firm. The rules released this week represent a “significant policy pivot” from what states were expecting, Serafi said.

“The administration has actually taken what we know to be a tough situation and has just made it even worse,” Serafi said. States had already committed to paying contractors tens of millions to adjust their systems.

After Trump signed his signature tax-and-spending bill into law last July, one of the most significant remaining questions was how much discretion the federal government would give states to define exemptions for people too sick to work. The “medical frailty” exemption allows a person to claim they have a health condition that prevents them from working at least 80 hours a month, as the law requires.

To qualify, a person generally must fit into at least one of five categories: They must be blind or disabled; have a substance use disorder; have a disabling mental disorder; have a physical, intellectual, or developmental disability that significantly impairs their daily life; or have a serious medical condition. States are not allowed to add categories.

Under the new regulations, CMS said having a medical condition alone isn’t sufficient to exempt someone from the work requirements. States must assess “the severity of an individual’s condition” to determine whether they can stay on Medicaid without working 鈥 a standard that makes it more difficult for enrollees to meet the criteria.

CMS officials did not list specific conditions that qualify for exemptions, but the agency did say homelessness can’t be a reason to claim that exemption because it is not a medical condition.

To implement the law, states “will have to undo work that they did,” said , deputy director of Princeton University’s State Health and Value Strategies program, which works with state governments on various health coverage issues.

The Trump administration previously acknowledged that the work to upgrade state Medicaid eligibility systems to comply with the law is coming at a cost. In January, top CMS officials said government contractors, including Deloitte, Accenture, and Optum, and reduced rates through 2028 to help states adjust their systems.

The discounts “may be helpful” in some states, but they’re “not going to be helpful across the board” due to variations in state contracts, said , director of the State Health and Value Strategies program.

“Anytime you have to go back and say, 鈥極ops, we need to reprogram this one thing,’ there’s a cost,” Howard said.

States were prepared to create lists of conditions and diseases to qualify people for work requirement exemptions, according to health care experts advising them. Mining data to verify someone’s illness was already a tall order for states because the computer systems that determine whether someone is eligible for Medicaid often do not communicate with the systems that track medical claims.

America’s health care payment systems rely on a set of standardized codes that correspond to specific diagnoses.

But there’s no “code that designates that someone is too sick to work 鈥 that’s a subjective assessment,” said Rachel Klein, deputy executive director of , a nonpartisan advocacy group for people with HIV. “This is a recipe for disaster.”

The new federal standards pose immediate issues for Nebraska, which launched its Medicaid work requirement on May 1, eight months before the federally mandated deadline. Nebraska handles decisions on medical frailty differently than the Trump administration does.

Nebraska officials had already released a nearly of medical conditions that qualify as exemptions, such as types of cancer, dementia, autism, epilepsy, HIV, and Parkinson’s disease. The state, which relies on government workers to check Medicaid eligibility, doesn’t require a person to prove how sick they are.

But under Trump’s rules, people will have to show their qualifying illness is impeding their ability to work.

Now, Nebraska is “going to have to go back and figure out how to assess whether all of these people are too sick to meet the requirement,” Klein said.

Medicaid enrollees are slated to start losing coverage this summer under Nebraska’s early rollout.

Sarah Maresh, a program director with , an advocacy organization for people with low incomes, said the state should refrain from terminating people’s coverage until next year because of the changes it will need to make. State residents are already confused and scared, she said, and the new rule “makes matters much worse.”

In response to several questions, Jeff Powell, a spokesperson for Nebraska’s Department of Health and Human Services, said the state is reviewing the new federal regulation to determine potential impacts.

The new federal standards will limit people’s ability to attest that they are medically frail starting in 2028 and will require documentation as proof, another change states weren’t expecting, Meuse said. had planned to allow applicants and enrollees to declare conditions themselves to get exemptions, according to 麻豆女优.

Striking the right balance of flexibility was an important part of deliberations when crafting these rules, CMS Administrator Mehmet Oz said on a June 1 call with reporters. “The mantra we kept coming back to was that we’re forgiving, but we’re not foolish,” he said.

Trump officials wrote in the regulation that Medicaid work requirements have “the potential to empower Medicaid beneficiaries” by allowing them to “escape isolation and dependency, build confidence, achieve self-sufficiency and prosperity, and improve health.”

Stephanie Burdick, a leader of the Protect Medicaid Utah coalition, disputed the premise.

“If they want to improve work opportunities or connection and decrease isolation and loneliness, they would be starting job programs and volunteer service programs,” Burdick said. “They wouldn’t just be forcing more administrative burden onto people and then saying that it’s good for them.”

An estimated will become uninsured by 2034 due to Medicaid work requirements, according to the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office.

But with the new regulations, Howard said, there’s a risk of “that number being even higher.”

麻豆女优 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 麻豆女优鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/medicaid/trump-law-medicaid-work-rules-states-overhaul-eligibility-systems/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">麻豆女优 Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

<img id="republication-tracker-tool-source" src="/?republication-pixel=true&post=2246301&amp;ga4=G-J74WWTKFM0&quot; style="width:1px;height:1px;">]]>
2246301
Budget-Strapped Montana Will Stress-Test Trump鈥檚 Medicaid Work Rules /medicaid/the-week-in-brief-montana-medicaid/ Fri, 29 May 2026 18:30:00 +0000 /?p=2244154&preview=true&preview_id=2244154 Montana will soon test whether cash-strapped and strained state health departments can carry out federal Medicaid work requirements without ending coverage for eligible adults. 

On July 1, Montana plans to become the second state after Nebraska to make Medicaid enrollees prove they’re working to keep their coverage. That’s six months ahead of the federal deadline for states to implement Medicaid work rules for millions of enrollees.  

That date is also the start of a new state budget year, as well as the deadline for Montana health officials to climb out of a previous Medicaid-driven spending deficit. Montana lawmakers underfunded the health agency when they set the state budget last year 鈥 before congressional Republicans passed President Donald Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act. Health policy analysts say the state’s budget crunch is a hint of the challenges to come nationwide.  

That’s because the federal spending law requires states to check every six months whether millions of Medicaid enrollees work, go to school, or volunteer at least 80 hours a month, or qualify for an exemption. Those checks will take time and money. Simultaneously, the law is expected to reduce federal Medicaid spending 鈥 the largest pool of federal funding for states 鈥 by nearly $1 trillion over 10 years, shift more food assistance costs to states, and add tax breaks that could hit state budgets. 

“States are the ones that are聽gonna聽have to do the dirty work of implementing cuts,” said Joan Alker, a Georgetown University researcher focused on health coverage.聽聽

Part of Montana’s proposed budget fix is to stall rate increases for healthcare providers that were due July 1. Clinicians told me they already struggle to afford hiring staff amid growing waitlists for care, which they blame on low Medicaid payments. 

Meanwhile, there are some red flags in the state’s Medicaid data from recent years: People often face long waits to access public assistance, and many can lose coverage at renewal time because of paperwork issues. 

All these problems reflect a national challenge to connect people to care through strained public assistance programs. Our reporting has long shown how states have struggled to process Medicaid applications. 

“Our concern is, is the department ready?” Jean Branscum, CEO of the Montana Medical Association, said of the state health agency. “Does the capacity exist for all this to be done right and ensure that patients don’t pay the price?” 

State officials have said they’ll scan existing data to try to automatically confirm whether people meet the work rules. And they’ve been building up their public assistance team for months.  

But they’ve had to wait on unanswered questions from the federal government that are key to exempting especially vulnerable people from the incoming rules. And now, they’ve got a lot more work to do with less money. 

麻豆女优 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 麻豆女优鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/medicaid/the-week-in-brief-montana-medicaid/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">麻豆女优 Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

<img id="republication-tracker-tool-source" src="/?republication-pixel=true&post=2244154&amp;ga4=G-J74WWTKFM0&quot; style="width:1px;height:1px;">]]>
2244154
More Kids Without Coverage /podcast/what-the-health-448-republicans-midterms-children-losing-insurance-may-28-2026/ Thu, 28 May 2026 18:50:15 +0000 /?p=2242581&post_type=podcast&preview_id=2242581 The Host
Julie Rovner photo
Julie Rovner 麻豆女优 Health News Read Julie's stories. Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of 麻豆女优 Health News’ weekly health policy news podcast, "What the Health?" A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book "Health Care Politics and Policy A to Z," now in its third edition.

The One Big Beautiful Bill Act, passed by congressional Republicans in 2025, was supposed to backload cuts to health programs so they wouldn’t take effect until after the 2026 midterm elections. That’s not how things are working out, with numerous analyses showing insurance coverage is already starting to drop.

Meanwhile, the Trump administration claims that the coverage reductions prove its anti-fraud efforts are working. But those efforts are likely to affect far more people than just those who commit fraud against federal health programs.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of 麻豆女优 Health News, Maya Goldman of Axios, Shefali Luthra of The 19th, and Lauren Weber of The Washington Post.

Panelists

Maya Goldman photo
Maya Goldman Axios
Shefali Luthra photo
Shefali Luthra The 19th
Lauren Weber photo
Lauren Weber The Washington Post

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

  • Amid a recent decline in the number of Americans with health insurance, one affected group in particular stands out: children. Many kids are falling off the Medicaid rolls, largely because of the chilling effects of the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown and broader confusion about eligibility requirements.
  • Meanwhile, the high cost of health insurance is pressing people to seek alternatives, many of which offer few or no protections against large medical bills. On the campaign trail, high-profile Democrats are sounding the alarm about a problematic health ecosystem, even framing issues such as reproductive health in terms of affordability.
  • The Trump administration is raising eyebrows with its response to the emerging Ebola crisis as it works to keep American citizens exposed to the disease out of the country entirely. Countering previous government approaches, which prioritized not only public safety but also offering the best care available to Americans, this approach also stands in stark contrast with President Donald Trump’s dismissal of masks, isolation, and other measures during the covid pandemic.
  • And Trump declared himself healthy this week after undergoing his third physical exam in 13 months at Walter Reed National Military Medical Center. Trump’s resistance to answering specific questions, despite visible issues such as bruising and swelling, raises the point that a president’s health can be a public matter 鈥 especially for a president who is about to turn 80.

Also this week, Rovner interviews 麻豆女优 Health News’ editor-at-large for public health, Céline Gounder, to discuss the Ebola outbreak in central Africa. 

Plus, for “extra credit” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week that they think you should read, too: 

Julie Rovner: ProPublica’s “,” by Kavitha Surana.  

Lauren Weber: The New York Times’ “,” by Sarah Kliff and Margot Sanger-Katz.  

Shefali Luthra: The New York Times’ “,” by Sejal Hathi.  

Maya Goldman: The Texas Tribune’s “,” by Terri Langford and Colleen DeGuzman. 

Also mentioned in this week’s podcast:

Click to open the transcript Transcript: More Kids Without Coverage

[Editor’s note: This transcript was generated using transcription software and a human’s light touch. It has been edited for style and clarity.] 

Julie Rovner: Hello, from 麻豆女优 Health News and WAMU Public Radio in Washington, D.C. Welcome to What the Health? I’m Julie Rovner, chief Washington correspondent for 麻豆女优 Health News. And, as always, I’m joined by some of the best and smartest health reporters covering Washington. We’re taping this week on Thursday, May 28, at 10 a.m. As always, news happens fast, and things might have changed by the time you hear this. So, here we go. Today, we are joined via video conference by Lauren Weber of The Washington Post. 

Lauren Weber: Hello, hello. 

Rovner: Maya Goldman of Axios News. 

Maya Goldman: Great to be here. 

Rovner: And Shefali Luthra of The 19th. 

Shefali Luthra: Hello. 

Rovner: Later in this episode, we’ll have my interview about the ongoing Ebola outbreak with Céline Gounder, 麻豆女优 Health News’ public health editor-at-large and, conveniently for us, an infectious disease specialist. But first, this week’s news. I want to start this week with more of a trend than actual news, and that is the continued decline in health insurance coverage in the U.S.  on the number of children falling off the Medicaid rolls. It’s down about 1.75 million from the beginning of Trump 2.0 through this past January. Now, I thought we were told that none of the Medicaid cuts that Congress made last year would affect the core Medicaid constituencies: pregnant women, children, seniors, and people with disabilities. What’s happening here? 

Goldman: So, the law does exempt kids and parents of young kids from the eligibility and enrollment changes, work requirements, more frequent eligibility checks. That doesn’t mean that there aren’t going to be spillover effects, and we’re seeing that already, Absolutely, even though most of these provisions haven’t gone into effect. And there are a couple of reasons for that, including chilling effects from immigration enforcement and people who are in mixed-status households maybe not feeling comfortable enrolling their children in public benefits, even though their children would qualify, or also just confusion around who’s eligible for what. Often kids are eligible for Medicaid and Children’s Health Insurance Program 鈥 its sister program, CHIP 鈥 at a much higher income level than their parents, and that’s not communicated well to parents very often. And so one theory&苍产蝉辫;鈥&苍产蝉辫;is that this year, when a lot of parents maybe saw how much their ACA [Affordable Care Act] premiums were going up and decided that they couldn’t afford health coverage anymore, they were just pulling their whole family out of health insurance, even though their kids might still actually be eligible for Medicaid. And&苍产蝉辫;鈥&苍产蝉辫;there are a lot of other trends percolating in this, but I think it’s concerning to see this, these figures, even before this has really started. 

Rovner: Yeah, it’s funny, when you’re applying for health insurance, they’ve set it up so that you get funneled to the right place for which you’re eligible. But when you’re dropping your health insurance, there’s no funnel to say, hey, your kids might still be eligible for this, even though you’re no longer going to be getting Affordable Care Act insurance. 

Goldman: Exactly, and navigators for ACA coverage have also 鈥 funding for those programs have been cut, and so that’s harder, even harder for that process to actually work. 

Rovner: Yeah, I’ve also noticed in the states that are starting things like their work requirements early, there was kind of a shocking anecdote  鈥 one of the states that’s starting early 鈥 who’s blind, has multiple health problems, and a chemotherapy port, who was told that she might be required to work under these rules and was seeing about getting her port taken out when finally another person told her, No, you’re exempt. So, I mean&苍产蝉辫;鈥&苍产蝉辫;in some of the states that are speeding this up, there’s a lack of knowledge among the state workers, which I think was one of the big concerns about people who are going to be dropped off the rolls, not because they’re no longer eligible, but because of mistakes. 

Weber: We also know that, in general, Medicaid enrollment is a tricky process. Typically, there’s paper forms that may get lost in the mail. Parents may not get the forms for their kids. This was very eloquently actually described on The Pitt 鈥 which, shoutout for getting this part of health policy correct. Although I’m still irritated about their Medicare-Medicaid mix-up in one of the other episodes, but we’ll get over it. 

Rovner: Yeah, me too. There were two of those. 

Weber: Yes, but very eloquently show[ed] how a mom who had moved and missed some Medicaid paperwork was now really in a hole financially. And so, as Maya has reported out, you know, more of these children falling off the rolls really could lead to some dire consequences for the families to which they belong. 

Goldman: Yeah, and I think one important thing to mention is that a lot of these kids that are uninsured are still eligible, and when they go to the hospital, the hospital can help them enroll in retroactive Medicaid coverage, but they’re not getting their yearly checkup, or maybe, like in The Pitt, they miss their asthma medication, and so now they’re in the hospital, and costs are just going up for the whole health system. 

Rovner: Well, along those same lines, we have another story in our 麻豆女优 Health News series called “Priced Out” about how people who can no longer afford comprehensive coverage are patching together other forms of insurance, or in some cases not even actual insurance, that leaves them on the hook for thousands of dollars if they end up needing actual medical care, which kind of raises the perennial question with our health system: Is it better to have bad insurance and not know it, or to have no insurance, so at least you know that you’re not prepared if something happens. 

Weber: I thought what was so striking in that story was it led off with a retired teacher who said, I recognize I am gambling. I mean, that’s what she said, she’s very clear. But to her, I think her cost had risen something like $900-something a month, and the other plans that she cobbled together were $300 a month, and so to her the short-term risk was worth it. But as we all know, hospital stays can run you several thousand dollars and, you know, you can get hit by a car. You may be a very healthy person, but something bad can happen, and you are left with large, large medical debt. And I think it seemed like the folks interviewed in the story were at least clear that these plans were less favorable, but I do think there is also this submarket where a lot of folks think that the health ministry plan that they’re in is going to save them in case of an issue. And we have found over and over again, and 麻豆女优, in particular, has found over and over again in reporting, that’s just not the case. And so this whole question of Is a bad plan better than no plan? I don’t know, but it’s striking to see people say I’m willing to take the gamble, because this is just what these increases in premiums have meant for me. 

Luthra: I just think what’s so interesting about these, these health shares, in particular, is when I’ve talked to people who’ve used them or considered them, they know these are not insurance, but I don’t think they always fully understand just how restrictive they are, and how often medical needs will be dismissed as lifestyle choices. I mean, obviously, often contraception is not covered, but something related to drug or alcohol use might not be covered, because that’s immoral, right? Let’s say the ministry says, “Oh, well, this accident you got into, maybe that’s because of alcohol use.” That’s a huge expense that you just might not have realized wouldn’t be covered at all. And the other thing that I was just so struck by is very often childbirth isn’t covered. Or you have to be enrolled for a very long time before childbirth is covered, which health insurance is required to cover childbirth. It is very, very expensive. It’s fascinating, also, because a lot of these [sharing ministries] are so religiously aligned and ostensibly pro-family, etc. And yet this, in particular, is just something where people will opt for this instead because it looks more affordable than insurance. But very often you end up paying a not-zero amount of money, and ultimately getting basically nothing for very expensive, even bankrupting medical needs. 

Rovner: Or you’re gambling, you know, maybe, maybe you’ll get reimbursed, and maybe you won’t. Although these days people feel that way about their health insurance. Maya, you want to say something? 

Goldman: I think a lot of young people also take for granted that health insurance will cover preexisting conditions. If you’ve come up, you know, post-ACA, and certainly I do. I’m 28, and that’s, like, something that never even crossed my mind that I would need to consider, and that really struck me in this article. A lot of these alternative plans are not bound to those requirements. 

Rovner: Well, Shefali, I wanted to ask you in particular about  about how abortion rights supporters are trying to adapt reproductive health to fit under the bigger affordability umbrella that seems to be the theme of this year’s midterm campaigns 鈥 that things like whether or not to get pregnant or whether to get unpregnant, that those are all wrapped up in all sorts of financial issues, as you just mentioned. Is this a natural fit, or do you think they’re kind of forcing it here? 

Luthra: I think it really depends on how you talk about it, and the context of where you are. And after the mifepristone case was before the Supreme Court, I spent a lot of time looking at different Senate campaigns and examining how they’re talking about it. And one example is Jon Ossoff in Georgia actually has a really interesting example where he talks about access to abortion and healthcare as part of this larger argument around the state of reproductive healthcare, talking about hospital closures, talking about Medicaid cuts, and putting all of this together as this broader policy ecosystem that is making your healthcare harder to come by and ultimately threatening your life. I think that’s very interesting. It could work. It makes sense logically to me. The other one that does come to mind 鈥 and this is not abortion, but it’s related 鈥 is in Maine, Graham Platner talking about IVF [in vitro fertilization] in the lens of affordability, saying, Oh, I couldn’t afford it in America. I traveled to Norway to try and get fertility treatments. Those are fascinating approaches, and a lot of people who work in abortion rights advocacy will say this has long been an economic argument, and many of them will look at polling and put it out that says when you frame this as an economic story, voters really, really do appreciate it and resonate with it. I think sort of the question is whether we actually see these candidates 鈥 and it’s not lost on me the two who I mentioned are both men 鈥 actually talk about the word “abortion” specifically, rather than saying “reproductive healthcare” more broadly. And you know those are very different, and they just register with voters differently when you single out something as specific as abortion versus whether you don’t. 

Rovner: And Graham Platner, for those who don’t know, is going to be the Democratic candidate running against Susan Collins in Maine. Jon Ossoff is the incumbent Democrat in Georgia, which always feels weird to say. There haven’t been a lot of Democratic senators from Georgia, but right now there’s two. 

So, moving on, the Trump administration says the declines in health insurance coverage are fine because they’re more about fraud and kicking people off of public health insurance rolls who aren’t actually eligible or 鈥 in the case of Affordable Care Act broker fraud 鈥 who don’t even know they’re covered. But a lot of the tools in last year’s big budget bill are pretty blunt, and they’re going to impact both those who maybe shouldn’t be there and those the administration says it wants to keep serving. This week’s example is a newly proposed rule to implement that law’s cap on something called state-directed payments, which is, in fact, a key way many states help ensure adequate funding for hospitals, nursing homes, and other healthcare providers. Now, this isn’t fraud, but it is what analysts like to call creative funding, and Congress has every right to limit it. But that’s not to say that it won’t have an impact on healthcare at the delivery level, right? It’s not just going to impact people that the administration says don’t deserve to be covered. 

Goldman: Yeah, this came up when I was talking to children’s hospitals for the story on children’s coverage that I wrote this week. They’re saying, you know, this is going to affect all kids that we can care for. This is going to mean less money into our funds, and, you know, a lot of people argue that hospitals have enough money, but hospitals will say, “No, we don’t, not to take care of all the people that we need to take care of.” And this is going to be less money. And then it’s not just kids who are on Medicaid who are struggling, it’s all kids. And I think another interesting thing about this proposed rule is that it’s significantly more federal savings than was estimated originally. I think CBO, Congressional Budget Office, originally estimated that the state-directed payments provision would save about $150 billion, and this rule would save about $510 billion in federal funding. So hospitals are concerned. 

Rovner: Yes, this is always the issue. Are we overpaying hospitals? But when you take money out of it, what does that mean for the health system writ large? Which I imagine is going to continue to be a theme as we go forward. Well, the Trump administration is also going very high-profile in its health fraud-fighting effort. The president has put Vice President JD Vance in charge. Earlier this month, he announced that the administration will be withholding $1.3 billion in federal Medicaid funding from California, because, said the vice president, the state has not taken fraud very seriously. This is the second Democrat-led state the administration is taking the nearly unprecedented step of withholding funding from in advance, after Minnesota. California has responded that one reason the state’s home health bill has gone up is that it has raised wages for home healthcare workers, and it has expanded eligibility. It’s not because of fraud. Again, while there obviously is fraud 鈥 not just in Medicaid, but in all health programs, public and private, because there is so much money there 鈥 these blunt tools, I think, will probably punish more than just those who are defrauding the program. Right? 

Weber: I mean, absolutely. At the end of the day&苍产蝉辫;鈥&苍产蝉辫;look, it’s no coincidence that California is a blue state that seems to be getting targeted with that amount of cash. But let’s be very honest, there is a lot of fraud. I mean, all of us here have written stories about healthcare fraud. There is a lot of fraud to root out. So, to be very clear, I don’t think anyone should be upset about actual fraud being targeted. But there’s also a question of: What are the numbers? [Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Administrator Mehmet] Oz has gotten the numbers wrong before. The AP [Associated Press] had a great story on that a couple weeks ago. Show us the fraud, like, I want to see the actual fraud that we’re talking about. And, in addition, this reminds me of how the administration continuously says that they’re investing the most money in rural healthcare when they have this $50 billion rural healthcare fund. Well, the Medicaid cuts that [President Donald] Trump led is going to cut like triple that almost out of rural areas. So is this a talking point? Show us the money. I need to better understand what’s behind it. 

Rovner: Yeah, so far they’re doing well with a lot of very high-profile news events. We’ll see how much fraud they are actually able to ferret out. All right, we’re going to take a quick break, we will be right back. 

Let’s talk about Ebola. As you will hear later in this episode from our in-house expert, Dr. Céline Gounder, this is not likely to become the next covid or even a pandemic. But this administration, having hollowed out the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and obliterated the U.S. Agency for International Development, is addressing this outbreak with many fewer arrows in its quiver. Lauren,  about someone close to this outbreak. Tell us about it. 

Weber: Yes, I was able to speak with an American missionary physician who was exposed to Ebola and actually evacuated to Prague and is sitting in basically like a bubble room waiting to see if he tests positive for Ebola. And what traumatizes him, as he was telling me, was that he’s sitting there, there’s all these people with endless gloves that are tending to him, he’s been evacuated, and stretchers with all this plastic and all these measures, and his colleagues that he worked alongside in the Congo are 鈥 you know, one died while we are in the middle of an interview, he learned of their death. And, in addition, they’re filling the hospitals themselves, that they say they don’t have enough gloves, they don’t have enough PPE [personal protective equipment]. There’s no vaccine to fight this current form of Ebola, and they’re in an environment in which people are very mistrustful. Ebola looks like malaria until it’s Ebola. And so you could send a family member into the hospital thinking it’s malaria, which is common in this part of the world, and then suddenly be told your relative has Ebola and died. A lot of people don’t believe it, and it’s leading to violence. And the usual public health measures and efforts by the international community to get in there are somewhat hampered. And Part Two, by the fact that this outbreak is happening in a really insecure region, where there’s roving militias and other violence. And there’s just a lot of concern that they caught this late, this could continue to explode, and case counts could really go up. But it was very humanizing to speak with this American missionary who obviously really put himself on the line to help these folks and is heartbroken to kind of be watching from afar as this continues to go poorly. 

Rovner: Well, meanwhile, the U.S. is banning foreign nationals who’ve been in any of these countries from entering the U.S. and also U.S. green-card holders who’ve been in countries where the virus is spreading. Not only that, but they’re not allowing exposed U.S. citizens to return, even though the U.S. has multiple facilities to care for exactly these types of patients. We have seen this before, just in the last 15 years. What happened to the medical freedom that this administration has been touting so much? 

Weber: It’s a real plot twist. I mean, these are the folks that said that they were the contrarians that oppose quarantine and mask mandates, and they are strictly having the hantavirus folks in Nebraska. They’re signing off on travel bans that go further than other administrations, and not allowing Americans back in and sending them to Kenya if they’re exposed. My colleague Lena Sun and I had a report a week ago about how the White House didn’t want exposed Americans back in the U.S., but the Kenya step is another step in that direction. Is really could have huge ramifications for the response as a whole, because it will likely limit the number of people that want to go. If you know that you’re not going to be able to be sent back, we saw, I think, yesterday the State Department union was like, look, our foreign service officers were sent here under the impression that they would be able to come back. I mean, this is somewhat completely uncharted territories in the vein of how they’re handling this. So we’ll see. 

Goldman: I’m very curious to see what the MAGA [Make America Great Again] base and the MAHA [Make America Healthy Again] base that were so anti-mask mandates and things like that during covid, like, what are they going to say? Are they going to say anything? Is it partially our responsibility as the media to point out this contradiction? 

Rovner: Yeah, and obviously there’s also so much else happening right now. It’s interesting that the hantavirus, which turned out to not be such a big deal, got so much play, and yet this, which could be a much bigger deal, is getting so much less attention. 

Weber: Do we think there’s maybe a reason for that? Let’s all be honest. The hantavirus cruise was a lot of wealthy, some Americans on a cruise sailing around Argentina and Antarctica. And then this outbreak is happening in Africa, and I think there’s less interest from the general public, as they feel like hantavirus is novel, whereas Ebola, they’ve heard about it before, so a depressing reality of some of that. 

Rovner: Yes, and also, you know, Americans and Europeans versus Africans. 

Weber: Yes, yes, exactly. 

Rovner: All right, moving on. I want to catch up on some drug price news, because there’s been a lot over the past few weeks. The Supreme Court earlier this month declined to hear a case challenging the Medicare drug price negotiation system that was implemented under the Biden administration, which ironically will probably redound to the credit of the Trump administration, even though it nominally opposed the Biden program. Also, earlier this month, the president announced a big expansion of his TrumpRx website, adding links to websites selling lower-cost generic drugs, including the site run by Mark Cuban, Cost Plus Drugs. But the most provocative drug price story I have seen this month came from my colleague Darius Tahir, noting that Trump himself was buying stock in drug companies just as he was negotiating with those companies to help bring drugs, particularly those GLP-1 medications that he likes to call “the fat drugs,” to more people. Now this isn’t technically illegal, although there are lots of efforts on Capitol Hill to outlaw individual stock trading by members. But I can’t help think if any other government official in any other administration ever did this, they would be out of a job instantly, if only for the appearance of the conflict of interest. This is just 鈥 Lauren, as you were saying 鈥 one in this whole long list of things that keeps happening, but every time I look at it, I’m like, he was doing what?! 

Weber: Julie, when I saw Darius’ story, I was blown away. First off, I feel like this should have been front-page news on every outlet. But secondly, it was a lot of money, it was like over $600,000. And now I understand they say that Trump himself, they don’t know whether he directed this or not. And in fairness, Trump’s not the only one. I mean, we’ve seen plenty of members of Congress that have done also questionable stock trades. But it is a very conflict-of-interest-looking-like thing, considering that CMS recently expanded massive access to these drugs. And so I do think conflicts of interest like this, especially in HHS [Department of Health and Human Services], which has constantly decried conflicts of interest, despite having many of them, are very important to highlight. And so, thank you to Darius for surfacing this. 

Rovner: Yes, we will never not have enough to do here as health reporters. Well, finally, this week I want to . President Trump this week had his third, quote, “annual” physical in the past 13 months 鈥 math does not math there 鈥 after which he said he checked out perfectly. But he is about to turn 80. He’s been caught on camera dozing off at public events in the Oval Office and has gone on hours-long social media rants in the wee hours of the night/morning. Now, much of this hasn’t been treated as news, because well, it’s pretty much par for the course for Trump, just more so. And therein lies the question: When does his increasingly aberrant behavior and obvious health issues, like visibly bruised hands and swollen ankles, become a public right-to-know issue? And is there a double standard for Trump compared to former President [Joe] Biden, when he began to show obvious signs of aging, and it was all over the news all of the time? I see raised eyebrows. 

Luthra: No, it’s such a good question. On the one hand, there was obviously a lot more scrutiny on Joe Biden’s age than there appears to be on Donald Trump’s. But part of it, I think, is that a lot of what you just highlighted, Julie, is out in the open. Everyone has seen the president dozing off on camera, whereas under the last administration, there were things that were not public that then became public, and that was obviously very important. That said, there’s certainly a level of focus on this issue that perhaps is lacking. Maybe it would be useful or newsworthy to put some more attention, even something that we already know, highlighting why it is important, putting together the fact that having this many physicals at this point in the presidency is actually more than normal. What could that mean, contextualizing it with everything we have seen publicly about the president’s sleep patterns, risk factors as you age, bruising, etc. But I think this kind of thing is complicated in terms of how you cover it appropriately and fairly, also just because you don’t want to assume things that you don’t have the evidence for. 

Rovner: And, in fair, I mean, Trump has not been transparent about his health, going back to when he was a candidate in 2016. He’s the only major presidential candidate, you know, he put out that, this famous letter from his personal doctor saying, you know, he’s the healthiest man I’ve ever seen. That’s pretty much what we get, having covered presidential health for a lot of administrations. We have much, much less information about Trump than we have had about previous presidents, which has been a continuing policy concern among doctors. I mean, this is not to single out Trump, who just happens to be president right now and turning 80. But this is, you know, an issue that goes back obviously to, you know, Dwight Eisenhower, to Woodrow Wilson, when he had a stroke, and they kept it a secret. Presidential health is a policy issue. 

Goldman: Yeah, I think that’s an important caveat, or note, I guess. Presidential health is not always as transparent as it claims to be, even going back, as you said. And so it’s not totally out of the ordinary that Trump wouldn’t be transparent about his health, even though, maybe ethically&苍产蝉辫;鈥&苍产蝉辫;presidents in general should be. 

Rovner: Obviously something else we will continue to watch. All right, that is this week’s news. Now we’ll play my interview with Céline Gounder. Then we’ll come back and do our extra credits. 

I am pleased to welcome back to the podcast my colleague, Dr. Céline Gounder, 麻豆女优 Health News’ editor-at-large for public health, a CBS News medical correspondent, and an internist, epidemiologist, and infectious disease doctor. I can’t think of anyone I trust more to explain what’s going on with Ebola than Céline. So, thank you very much for doing this. 

Céline Gounder: Oh, it’s my pleasure to be here, Julie. 

Rovner: So, when everybody was covering the hantavirus outbreak on that cruise ship a few weeks ago, experts like you were saying it was a cause for concern, but not likely to become a serious problem. All of those same experts seem much more concerned about this latest Ebola outbreak in Central Africa. How is this different from what we were just talking about with hantavirus, and how is it different from previous Ebola outbreaks? This is not the first one. 

Gounder: Yeah, so to give you a sense of perspective, when I first heard the reports of a viral respiratory illness out of Wuhan in very late 2019, early 2020, I was terrified by what I was hearing. When I heard the reports of the hantavirus outbreak on the cruise ship, I was concerned for the other people on the cruise ship. I was not worried about a larger outbreak, and I would be very surprised, especially at this point, if we see any further cases. With respect to this Ebola outbreak, I am very concerned about a very large, huge, regional epidemic, where we may have some sporadic spread to other countries outside of the region. I am not worried about a pandemic. So, this is one difference: An epidemic is usually within a certain region. Pandemic is when it goes worldwide. So, I think this is going to be an epidemic in Central, possibly also East, Africa, but not going beyond that. 

Rovner: So, how is this different from&苍产蝉辫;鈥&苍产蝉辫;you worked in one of the past Ebola outbreaks. This one people seem to think is more serious than the last couple that we’ve seen. 

Gounder: Yeah, so I worked in Guinea during the 2014-2016 Ebola epidemic. I was there for two months. You have some of the same risk factors for a large epidemic, so you have urban areas affected, you have cross-border spread. There you had the epidemic start in Guinea, then move to Liberia, then Sierra Leone, then back to Guinea, and then you also had migrant workers that would go back and forth. And so you have those same, exact risk factors with this current outbreak, and then, secondly, you have large refugee populations in South Sudan. And so both of those issues also further complicate movement, both in and out of the area. Healthcare workers trying to get in to address issues. Healthcare workers being safe doing this kind of work, and also getting supplies, in particular, PPE 鈥 personal protective equipment 鈥 as well as tests into the area to help respond. 

Rovner: What about the U.S. pullback in foreign aid? We’ve obviously, you know, seen sort of the demise of USAID and a hollowing out of the CDC here. I imagine that’s impacting how we’re responding to this. 

Gounder: Yeah, so starting with USAID. So, USAID funded the people on the ground that would do the contact tracing, who might help set up Ebola triage, as well as treatment units. And that funding is gone. In fact, over the last week, I’ve been talking to some of the Congolese doctors who used to have jobs funded by USAID. And, in addition, USAID really supported the supply chain infrastructure for the area. So now you’ve seen a collapse of their ability to get personal protective equipment. There are shortages of this, which is also contributing to healthcare workers getting infected right now. And then also pharmaceutical supply chain. So, you know, even the most basic of medications is a challenge to get into the area. With respect to CDC, there have been tremendous layoffs related to the DOGE [Department of Government Efficiency] cuts from last year. We had the CDC shooting last August, and morale at the agency is&苍产蝉辫;鈥&苍产蝉辫;it’s horrible, it’s horrible. And just in the last day or so, Dr. [Jay] Bhattacharya, who’s the NIH [National Institutes of Health] director, and also, I guess he’s calling himself something else, because he can’t technically be acting CDC director anymore. But 鈥 

Rovner: He’s nominally in charge of CDC, without being the acting director. 

Gounder: Right, exactly, whatever that means. But he has asked for CDC staff to volunteer to go over to Kenya, and staff a quarantine and, sounds like, treatment unit for any American healthcare workers who might get sick or be exposed while responding to the Ebola outbreak. And based on what we’re hearing, it sounds like they do not want anyone with Ebola coming back into the U.S., including the very people they’re asking right now to volunteer to go to this unit in Kenya. So I think that is also going to further complicate the response. You know, like, if you volunteer for the Marines, you enlist, and you get sent overseas, and you have an injury, you expect to be repatriated as quickly as is possible for treatment here in the United States, right? That is not the case. These are people who are similarly putting their lives on the line, who are responding to that call for help, and we are not seeing similar respect for that sacrifice. 

Rovner: And yet, I mean, the U.S. is set up to take care of people with seriously contagious diseases, right? 

Gounder: Oh, yeah, we have over a dozen units that were specifically created for this very purpose. Several of them have hands-on expertise, experience with this. So, in particular, Emory [University School of Medicine] in Atlanta, [NYC Health + Hospitals/] Bellevue in New York City, where I am, as well as University of Nebraska Medical Center. All three of those have experience with Ebola, not just having done preparations. And it’s really confounding why you would not want to make use of that. When somebody gets Ebola, particularly if you’re talking about an American, you know, who has put themselves in harm’s way 鈥 there are some real questions about fairness and equity of access to certain levels of care 鈥 but American aid workers, the expectation is that they would get the full-court press. And that might include being on a ventilator, that might include needing dialysis, for example, and to do those things when somebody has Ebola, and you need to do that in biosafety Level 4 conditions, I have a hard time seeing how they’re going to be able to put that together in Kenya on such short notice. 

Rovner: So we learned a lot of lessons from covid, not all of them good, obviously. You have a , which I will post a link to, about the psychology of pushback. Can you talk about that briefly? Because I think that has a lot to do with how the U.S. is responding to this. 

Gounder: Yeah, and I think a lot of people may actually identify with their own experiences during covid. You had a lot of people who didn’t want to wear a mask. In fact, we saw masks being burned, right? People not wanting to get vaccinated. And what happens is, when you have somebody who, for whatever reason, people don’t trust telling them to do something, they feel like they’ve been backed into a corner and they lash out. And so you tell them to do something, very often they want to do the exact opposite. And I saw this exact same thing when I was in Guinea over 10 years ago now. It was related to the presidential elections at the time, and it was a way of expressing dissent towards the current, at that time current, president and ruling party. And so, you know, for Ebola, the measures are pretty basic, particularly at that time: It really came down to contact tracing, testing, safe burials. And people would refuse to do some of those really basic things, and it was their way, what we called in Guinea and French, La réticence c’est la résistance, so reticence and resistance. And you saw that whole spectrum manifest there, and I think we’re seeing the same thing all over again, predictably so, in the DRC [the Democratic Republic of Congo] right now. 

Rovner: So, what could this administration be doing better, or be doing that they’re not doing that could maybe help us tamp this down, I mean, before it gets out of hand? 

Gounder: Well, I am concerned it’s already out of hand. They’re only following up on one out of every five contacts, so that means four out of every five contacts could be seeding new chains of transmission. So I think this is going to get a lot worse before things start to turn around. In fact, I would predict this is going to be a year or two to control. I mean, based on prior experiences with the 2018-2019 outbreak in the same area, as well as the 2014-2016 outbreak in West Africa. This has the potential to be even worse. What could the U.S. be doing? Well, we are currently adopting a very isolationist stance with respect to our public health policy. The dismantling of USAID is a big part of that, but it’s not the only thing. And I think what is happening now, frankly, gives me flashbacks to the 2014 Ebola news and midterm elections, and the way in which Ebola was politicized at that time. At that time, President Trump was not president; he wasn’t even a candidate yet, but he spoke very loudly about having travel bans. He called for President [Barack] Obama to resign because he allowed, in fact, facilitated the transport of infected Americans back to the U.S. for treatment. And so he’s on the record as having said he never wanted anybody with Ebola in this country. And I think the current policy that you’re seeing is consistent with that. We’re headed into midterm elections again. We’re seeing travel bans being instituted for real this time, not just talked about. And one of the other concerns around travel bans at that time, and again now, was what would it mean for healthcare workers and other aid workers, their willingness to volunteer to respond? And I remember Craig Spencer, a very good friend of mine, he was hospitalized at Bellevue with Ebola, and it was right around that time as well, Kaci Hickox, a nurse who had responded, she came back to Newark Airport. Chris Christie, as I recall&苍产蝉辫;鈥&苍产蝉辫;

Rovner: Then the governor of New Jersey. 

Gounder: Yeah, right, governor of New Jersey, Chris Christie, at that time mandated that she be quarantined. So she did not have symptoms, but that she be quarantined due to her work on, I think, it was the tarmac at Newark Airport with a Porta Potty and a tent, something along those lines. And I had a lot of friends at that time who pulled out of volunteering 鈥 between Craig getting sick and Kaci and the mandated quarantine really under inhuman[e] and humiliating conditions. And I think this time it’s going to be even worse because not only are you having to face potentially getting sick, but you may not get to come home. And it’s really unclear at what stage, if you get sick, would you be allowed home. Do you have to wait until you recover? And what if you die? What happens then? Does your body get repatriated? Does your family, right, get to receive the body? That’s a big deal for a lot of families to have that closure. So I know, even among my friends who, like me, are Ebola veterans, there’s a lot of hesitance about stepping up again. 

Rovner: Well, I hope we can call on you as this continues, alas. Thank you so much. 

Gounder: Oh, of course, Julie. 

Rovner: OK, we’re back. It’s time for our extra-credit segment. That’s where we each recognize a story we read this week we think you should read, too. Don’t worry if you miss it. We will post the links in our show notes on your phone or other mobile device. Maya, why don’t you start us off this week? 

Goldman: My extra credit this week is a story in The Texas Tribune by Terri Langford and Colleen DeGuzman titled “.” And you know, I think it’s obviously a very important political story in the fight over transgender rights, and specifically rights for transgender kids, and the medical practice around gender-affirming care. But one of the things that’s especially interesting to me about this settlement is that there’s not really demand for detransition services, at least at the level of having a dedicated clinic at a children’s hospital for them. And so this is basically a children’s hospital is going to put resources towards creating something that, or presumably put resources towards creating something that may not be used. And as hospitals are talking about how stressed they are for dollars, and just in general overextended, you know, I think this is a very interesting use of resources. 

Rovner: That’s one way to put it. Lauren. 

Weber: I have the New York Times investigation by Sarah Kliff and Margot Sanger-Katz 鈥 which, you know, as soon as you see those two names, you have to read it 鈥 titled “.” And it’s a great look and also builds upon, you know, some great reporting by The Wall Street Journal, I’ll have to shout them out as well in this area. But it details how, amid this focus on autism clinic fraud how&苍产蝉辫;鈥&苍产蝉辫;what that looks like on the ground. And it’s pretty terrible on the ground. A lot of these autism treatment clinics, the science is questionable on whether it really works. They’re encouraging people to send their kids there instead of to school.&苍产蝉辫;鈥&苍产蝉辫;There’s this horrific anecdote in the lede about how a child is woken up from a nap that can only last almost seven minutes, so they can bill more. I mean, it’s pretty gut-wrenching and gets at the clear issue in a lot of healthcare, which is that a lot of this is done to maximize profit and not necessarily for the patient. So it’s very well done. 

Rovner: Yeah, it is really scary. Shefali. 

Luthra: Mine is in the New York Times opinion section by Dr. Sejal Hathi. The headline is “.” She herself is a new mom, in addition to running the Oregon Health Authority, and she writes about how our postpartum care system is terrible. We do not care about new moms. We only care about infant checkups. We have very little medical care for people when they are postpartum, and that is not good, because pregnancy is really hard. You can have complications. Most pregnancy-related deaths happen after giving birth, not during. Most of them are preventable, and yet we don’t treat this as something that could be addressed, even though it very well could be, because in other countries they actually do make an effort to care about new moms. I love that she wrote about this from a personal and professional standpoint. I think it’s great, and I hope that it inspires some states to think about ways to improve postpartum health. 

Rovner: Yeah, that story made me so angry. Well, my extra credit this week is also about reproductive health. It’s from ProPublica by Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter Kavitha Surana. It’s called “.” And it’s about yet another case of a mom pregnant with her second child, a college-educated healthcare worker, whose membranes ruptured early, putting her at high risk of sepsis, but who couldn’t get the pregnancy terminated at the hospital where she worked, because the doomed fetus still had a heartbeat. This was a well-connected family. The patient’s father is a doctor. She was in the same sorority at the same college as Arkansas Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders, and she enlisted one of the top reproductive health lawyers in the country to plead her case with hospital officials. I won’t spoil the end for you, because you really should read the entire piece, but it underscores yet again that abortion bans can endanger people who don’t think they will ever want or need an abortion. 

All right, that is this week’s show. As always, thanks to our editor, Emmarie Huetteman, and our producer-engineer, Francis Ying. We also had production help this week from Taylor Cook. A reminder: What the Health? is now available on WAMU platforms, the NPR app, and wherever you get your podcasts 鈥 as well as, of course, kffhealthnews.org. Also, as always, you can email us your comments or questions. We’re at whatthehealth@kff.org. Or you can still find me on X , and on Bluesky . Where are you guys hanging these days? Maya. 

Goldman: I am on LinkedIn under my name and on X . 

Rovner: Shefali. 

Luthra: On Bluesky . 

Rovner: Lauren. 

Weber: Still on  and  under @LaurenWeberHP. As I like to say, the HP is for health policy. 

Rovner: We’ll be back in your feed next week. Until then, be healthy. 

Credits

Francis Ying Audio producer
Taylor Cook Audio producer
Emmarie Huetteman Editor

Click here to find all our podcasts.

And subscribe to “What the Health? From 麻豆女优 Health News” on , , , , , or wherever you listen to podcasts.

麻豆女优 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 麻豆女优鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/podcast/what-the-health-448-republicans-midterms-children-losing-insurance-may-28-2026/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">麻豆女优 Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

<img id="republication-tracker-tool-source" src="/?republication-pixel=true&post=2242581&amp;ga4=G-J74WWTKFM0&quot; style="width:1px;height:1px;">]]>
2242581
Montana Hurries To Adopt Trump鈥檚 Medicaid Work Rules Amid Budget Woes /medicaid/medicaid-work-requirements-trump-montana-budget-shortfalls/ Wed, 27 May 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2239927 Montana plans to be one of the first states to enforce President Donald Trump’s work mandate for Medicaid enrollees, adding another challenge for state health officials trying to plug a massive budget hole.

Clinicians and patient advocates say the incoming changes will deliver a twofold blow: They expect the work requirements to kick more patients off Medicaid, meaning fewer can afford care, while the health department’s budget problems make it harder for doctors to serve those who keep the coverage.

It’s a tumultuous time for state health departments. Additional federal changes are forcing states to perform more checks on who qualifies for food assistance, better monitor doctors’ compliance with Medicaid rules, and set up new programs to access a share of $50 billion in federal funds meant to improve rural health services.

“Our concern is, is the department ready?” said Jean Branscum, CEO of the Montana Medical Association. “Does the capacity exist for all this to be done right and ensure that patients don’t pay the price?”

Already, some Montanans struggle to access the government health coverage amid state backlogs. Meanwhile, clinicians struggle with staffing, attributing the issue to low Medicaid payments. Those problems reflect a national challenge to connect people to care through strained public assistance programs.

The Montana Department of Public Health and Human Services didn’t respond to a list of questions, instead directing 麻豆女优 Health News to the latest information on the state’s website detailing Medicaid changes, at .

Health policy analysts have said Montana’s challenges offer an early glimpse at what states must navigate to comply with congressional Republicans’ One Big Beautiful Bill Act. Signed by Trump last year, the federal tax and spending law requires millions of Medicaid enrollees to prove they’re working or attending school for 80 hours each month, unless they’re eligible for an exemption. States also will be required to evaluate enrollees’ eligibility every six months instead of annually, which will take more time and money. Some states already don’t have enough staff to quickly process Medicaid applications or answer enrollees’ phone calls.

On July 1, Montana is scheduled to become the second state, after Nebraska, to implement Medicaid work requirements. That’s six months ahead of the Jan. 1 federal deadline to do so for the 42 states, along with the District of Columbia, that expanded Medicaid to cover more low-income people. Montana health officials say they’ve had time to plan for that shift. The state mandated work rules in 2019 but hadn’t gained federal approval to move ahead until now.

More states are likely to face a budget crunch soon, said Joan Alker, a Georgetown University researcher focused on health coverage.

The One Big Beautiful Bill Act is expected to reduce federal Medicaid spending 鈥 the biggest pool of federal cash states receive 鈥 by nearly $1 trillion over 10 years. The law also left states with a bigger share of the cost to run food assistance programs, while creating tax breaks that could lower states’ bottom lines.

“States are the ones that are gonna have to do the dirty work of implementing cuts,” Alker said.

Withholding Medicaid Provider Rate Increases

On top of federal changes, Montana lawmakers underfunded the health department in its two-year budget in 2025, the result of cuts and an underestimate of Medicaid enrollment. The state also overestimated how much the federal government would contribute toward Montana’s Medicaid costs this year.

That resulted in a $183 million shortfall in state and federal funds, requiring the health department to borrow from next year’s budget. To partially offset those costs, the department wants to withhold a 3% Medicaid provider rate increase approved by the legislature and governor last year. State officials have said they’re trying save money without unraveling services.

Health organizations have pushed against the plan, saying that Montana’s Medicaid payments already don’t cover the cost of care and that health businesses can’t afford wages that attract workers.

Matt Bugni, head of the statewide nonprofit Aware, which provides behavioral health and disability services, said the organization was counting on incoming increases to keep existing employees amid a staff shortage. Bugni said Aware has more than 70 group-home beds it’s been unable to fill, because it’s down roughly 15% of its workforce.

“There are waiting lists,” he said. “We just can’t staff it.”

Montana health organizations said they’re still recovering from 2017 budget cuts that buckled services. The largely disappeared, more than half of Montana’s public assistance offices , and mental health crisis centers closed.

“We still are struggling,” said Sierra Riesberg, head of the Montana Behavioral Health Alliance, a nonprofit advocacy group.

In 2023, Montana Gov. Greg Gianforte, a Republican, signed into law a investment to repair the state’s behavioral health and disability services. He also created an initiative to use Medicaid funding to fill in gaps in addiction treatment programs.

But Riesberg said that, despite improvements, some beds created through those initiatives remain empty because low Medicaid reimbursement rates make it hard to recruit staff.

The stalled increases would especially hit community-based services such as mental health treatment and developmental disability services. They wouldn’t affect physician services or federally funded health centers that offer care based on what patients can afford. But Lander Cooney, an executive vice president at One Health, which has rural clinics in rural Montana and Wyoming, said low reimbursement rates can hurt their patients who need care elsewhere, as more healthcare providers decide they can’t afford to accept Medicaid.

Montana’s Legislative Finance Committee recommended the state’s leadership find a way to cut costs without stalling the increases. Gianforte will have the final say. He must make that decision before the state begins its new budget year on July 1, the same day Medicaid work requirements begin.

Medicaid enrollees will have three months to show they’re working before the state begins dropping people for noncompliance in October. That gives the state time “to work out the bugs,” said state Rep. Ed Buttrey, a Republican who is also president of the Montana Hospital Association.

鈥楥ompletely in the Dark’

The work requirements won’t apply to everyone. There are exemptions for people who are severely sick, children, adults older than 64, and Native Americans, among others. Even so, most people will have to submit proof that For some, how to do that remains murky.

Health officials don’t have clear-cut definitions for medical conditions on the exemption list. They’re also awaiting federal guidance on what documents someone needs to prove a hardship that temporarily prevents them from working. “Providers are completely in the dark as to how we reduce the administrative burden,” said Shawna Yates, a family medicine doctor in Butte and president of the Montana Medical Association’s executive committee.

Health officials have said implementing work requirements early means figuring out some details as they go.

Montana’s Medicaid enrollment is at its lowest point in roughly a decade, , a consulting firm that has studied the state’s Medicaid program for years. Enrollment plummeted amid states’ scramble to determine whether tens of millions of people still qualified for Medicaid when the federal government lifted a pandemic-era disenrollment freeze in 2023.

Many primarily because of rather than ineligibility. National health advocates worry similar administrative problems will arise with implementing work requirements.

In Montana, the state’s Medicaid data signals continued red flags, according to a by the nonprofit Montana Budget and Policy Center. That includes long waits to access public assistance and low renewal rates due to paperwork issues.

Julie Anderson, a mental health and addiction counselor in Livingston, Montana, helps people navigate public aid at a food bank. She said she recently spent three hours on hold on the state’s public assistance helpline, trying to help a patient with limited cellphone minutes troubleshoot a Medicaid application. Anderson said she had to hang up to help other people before anyone answered.

“It’s already a cumbersome system,” she said. Once the new requirements go in place, Anderson added, “it’s going to be a nightmare.”

The health department has worked for months to expand its public assistance team. As of early March, Montana had filled 39 of 59 new positions state officials projected are needed for the intensified Medicaid eligibility checks.

“The problem with that is that it takes a lot of training to get caseworkers up to speed,” said Kim Winchell, who helps people enroll in health coverage at Glacier Community Health Center in Cut Bank.

State officials said they’ll try to automatically confirm through existing data whether people are exempt or meet the rules. When that doesn’t work, applicants will have 30 days to provide proof of eligibility.

Charlie Brereton, director of the Montana health department, told lawmakers in May that the agency considered a public service campaign to get the word out. But he said the state’s budget problems curtailed that idea.

Brereton said the state could reevaluate that option, “depending on how implementation goes.”

麻豆女优 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 麻豆女优鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/medicaid/medicaid-work-requirements-trump-montana-budget-shortfalls/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">麻豆女优 Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

<img id="republication-tracker-tool-source" src="/?republication-pixel=true&post=2239927&amp;ga4=G-J74WWTKFM0&quot; style="width:1px;height:1px;">]]>
2239927
Journalists Distill News on Ebola, Licensing Midwives, and California鈥檚 Budget /on-air/on-air-may-23-2026-ebola-midwife-licensing-gavin-newsom-california-budget-medicaid/ Sat, 23 May 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2241530&preview=true&preview_id=2241530

Céline Gounder, 麻豆女优 Health News’ editor-at-large for public health, discussed the diversion of a Detroit-bound plane to Canada over Ebola concerns on CBS News’ CBS Mornings on May 21. Gounder also discussed how the Democratic Republic of Congo’s Ebola outbreak has been declared a global health emergency on Fox’s LiveNOW on May 18.

  • .
  • .

麻豆女优 Health News senior correspondent Renuka Rayasam discussed Georgia’s debate over licensing midwives on WUGA’s The Georgia Health Report on May 15.


麻豆女优 Health News senior correspondent Angela Hart discussed California Gov. Gavin Newsom’s budget rollbacks on KQED’s Political Breakdown on May 14.

  • .

麻豆女优 Health News California correspondent Christine Mai-Duc discussed Medicaid funding in California on LAist’s AirTalk on May 14.

  • .

麻豆女优 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 麻豆女优鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/on-air/on-air-may-23-2026-ebola-midwife-licensing-gavin-newsom-california-budget-medicaid/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">麻豆女优 Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

<img id="republication-tracker-tool-source" src="/?republication-pixel=true&post=2241530&amp;ga4=G-J74WWTKFM0&quot; style="width:1px;height:1px;">]]>
2241530
Kids Keep Getting Stuck in Hospitals, Even After Being Cleared for Discharge /health-industry/hospital-boarding-social-stays-children-kids-missouri-illinois/ Mon, 18 May 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2237614 Overwhelmed by the demands of caregiving, Quette dialed 911 when she found her teenage son downstairs in their kitchen struggling to breathe.

He had rolled his wheelchair to the oven to keep himself warm as he tried to regulate his temperature, she recalled, and was drenched in sweat from an apparent infection.

In that moment, Quette knew that she and her son’s grandmother could no longer meet his medical needs on their own at their Illinois home just outside St. Louis. He had become paralyzed when he was shot in 2023, and, despite their efforts, they struggled to take care of him. But she never imagined that her quick call for help that day would turn into a months-long hospital stay for her son 鈥 even after he was well enough to be discharged.

She said their family had been begging hospitals for a home health aide to help care for his wounds, only to be accused of neglect. “They were like, 鈥榃ell, y’all almost killed him,’” she recalled officials telling her. 麻豆女优 Health News agreed to use only her nickname to protect the safety of her son.

“I had to give up. I just couldn’t take care of him anymore,” Quette said. “It was just a lot on me. It was something that I was not ready for.”

Once his immediate medical needs were addressed, her son didn’t leave the hospital. His grandmother, who was his legal guardian, had died and the teen ultimately became a ward of the state. He continued living inside a St. Louis children’s hospital for what’s commonly called a “social stay.” Also referred to as hospital boarding or delayed discharge, the practice of keeping children in hospitals “beyond medical necessity” has become a persistent problem 鈥 flummoxing officials in Missouri, Illinois, Minnesota, Georgia, and beyond 鈥 when there’s no safe place to care for the child.

Finding homes for foster kids is difficult across the country. They have spent nights in casino hotels in Nevada and offices in Georgia . This problem even has a name: “hoteling.” But add medical needs to the mix, and hospitals become the holding station for some kids.

Many children stuck in this limbo have mental health or behavioral issues, while some have chronic physical conditions or disabilities for which they need technology, equipment, or other assistance.

“It’s definitely a national problem,” said , a pediatrician at Boston Children’s Hospital and the chair of the American Academy of Pediatrics’ . “Every state has different options in terms of where kids can go post-acute care. But in general, there’s many of our kids with medical complexity who just don’t have access to the appropriate home nursing to bring them home safely.”

It’s gotten so bad that Missouri lawmakers have repeatedly to try to significantly reduce the number of hospital boarding days each year and eventually end the practice altogether.

A woman, photographed from the shoulders down, holds a piece of medical equipment that was once used by her son.
Quette with the brace that her teenage son needed after he was paralyzed in a shooting. She cared for him in her Illinois home, she says, until it became too difficult to keep him healthy there. 麻豆女优 Health News agreed to use only her nickname to protect the safety of her son. (Cara Anthony/麻豆女优 Health News)
A close up shot of someone's hands holding a box of medical items.
Quette shows some of the medical supplies she needed to care for her teenage son after he was paralyzed in a shooting. It ultimately became too difficult, she says, for her to keep him healthy at home. (Cara Anthony/麻豆女优 Health News)

Quette said her son was housed in a private hospital room while he waited for the state to find a place for him elsewhere. Other children spend weeks, months, and, in extreme cases, years in acute care hospitals while grown-ups scramble to find them safe places to go, according to Lynn Rasnick, a nurse and vice president at the Missouri Hospital Association. She said some children sleep on emergency room stretchers. They sit in windowless rooms. They miss school. And they’re exposed to all the trauma that comes through the hospital on any given day.

To keep young boarders safe, some hospitals hire “sitters” for kids with no place to go, while other institutions have passed along chaperoning duties to hospital workers.

But all that comes at a cost beyond the toll it takes on kids and families. When a child no longer needs hospital-level care, insurers don’t have to pay for their stay. Some hospitals eat the cost. Others ask the state for reimbursement if the child who is waiting for placement is in state custody.

According to the Missouri Hospital Association, the state’s Department of Social Services reimbursed $16.3 million to 19 hospitals for 9,943 boarding days last year 鈥 more than $1,600 a night. But association spokesperson Dave Dillon said that’s a substantial undercount of the problem and that hospitals often aren’t reimbursed for housing children.

One study found that boarding a child with a complex medical condition in Minnesota a day in 2017. And a 2023 Minnesota Hospital Association survey of about 100 hospitals of “unnecessary” patient stays for adults and kids at $487 million for 195,000 days of care.

Lin, the Boston-based pediatrician, said a shortage of home healthcare workers forces some families to keep their children in the hospital, even though they’re well enough to go home.

State Medicaid programs face new pressure from federal cuts in congressional Republicans’ One Big Beautiful Bill Act. Medicaid, which provides healthcare coverage for those with low incomes or disabilities, is expected to lose nearly $1 trillion in federal funding by 2034, so some states are already threatening to scale back optional home-care programs.

Quette, a single mom who once worked as a paid caregiver and now works as a custodian, said her family repeatedly asked hospitals for a home health aide but was told her son’s insurance wouldn’t cover it. Her son’s paternal grandmother, who had helped raise him, was in a wheelchair herself at that point. Quette’s son needed his bandages changed regularly, and she had to turn him around in his bed every four hours.

“I had to wake up out of my sleep to rotate him,” Quette said. “And I couldn’t do it. I was oversleeping.”

Parents across the country face similar challenges. Last year, Georgia officials said 500 children had been and turned over to the state’s Division of Family & Children Services due to complex behavioral or psychiatric needs.

In Colorado, a hospital worker emailed a state representative for help after an autistic 13-year-old boy at UCHealth Longs Peak Hospital in Longmont. After his father left him there, officials told hospital workers that it would take months to find a safe place for the boy to go.

Last fiscal year, the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services logged 304 cases of youth in psychiatric hospitals beyond medical necessity, according to an released by the state. About 43% of those cases were among patients ages 13 to 16.

This year, Missouri state Sen. , a Republican, introduced a bill that would require his state to move faster and pay for care when a child is stuck in a hospital. Similar bills died in committee and . This year, Burger’s bill remained stuck in committee when the legislative session ended May 15.

According to a attached to the bill, paying for hospital boarding could cost more than $148 million a year in a state that already to fund its upcoming $50.7 billion budget.

Over 18 months, the Mercy hospital system, one of the largest in Missouri, logged 2,687 boarding days, testified Patty Morrow, a Mercy vice president, in a March hearing on the bill. That included adults who also were stuck without a safe place to go.

“That was never really ever the intended purpose of a hospital,” Morrow told 麻豆女优 Health News. “The current state cannot be the ongoing solution.”

The bill requires the juvenile court system to ensure that children are placed in “an appropriate setting,” which would entail involvement of social workers and other public servants.

Rasnick, with the Missouri Hospital Association, also spelled out the issue during the hearing. “You can’t just discharge a 9-year-old into the street,” she told lawmakers.

Quette’s son is still in state custody but no longer hospitalized. Illinois officials declined to let the teen share his story with 麻豆女优 Health News.

His mother said she is still holding on to his brace, bandages, ointment, and other medical supplies in her home. “That’s all I have,” Quette said. “That’s the stuff I will never give away.”

This piece was supported by a grant from the Association of Health Care Journalists, with funding from The Joyce Foundation.

麻豆女优 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 麻豆女优鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/health-industry/hospital-boarding-social-stays-children-kids-missouri-illinois/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">麻豆女优 Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

<img id="republication-tracker-tool-source" src="/?republication-pixel=true&post=2237614&amp;ga4=G-J74WWTKFM0&quot; style="width:1px;height:1px;">]]>
2237614
Trump Demands Medicaid Data for Deportation. Some States Go a Step Further. /medicaid/medicaid-immigrants-deportation-state-data-legislation-north-carolina/ Thu, 14 May 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2237222 Several states have joined President Donald Trump’s deportation efforts and are taking federal reporting requirements to immigration authorities a step further 鈥 by using their public health agencies as arms of enforcement.

North Carolina, in late April, became the latest member of a growing group of Republican-led states to require their public health agencies to flag recipients of Medicaid to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security if their legal status is in question.

It’s a trend health policy researchers expect to spread among GOP-controlled states eager to join Trump in the federal crackdown on Medicaid fraud and illegal immigration. Already, at least four states 鈥 , , , and 鈥 have passed similar laws, and lawmakers in others, such as and , are weighing measures. In those six states, Republicans hold a power trifecta 鈥 both chambers of the legislature and the governor’s office.

“This is an issue that is very much on the political radar right now,” said , a health policy researcher at Harvard Law School.

More than 75 million people , the federal and state-run public health program for people with disabilities and low incomes, or its related Children’s Health Insurance Program, which provides low-cost coverage for people under 19. Immigrants without legal status are ineligible for Medicaid benefits, but a swath of noncitizens qualify, such as green-card holders, asylees, and refugees. A quarter of children in the U.S., most of them citizens, live with an immigrant.

Yet the new reporting laws add a layer of risk for immigrants seeking healthcare in the U.S., where the the use of to help identify and deport people.

Some of the state laws apply only to health agencies, such as in North Carolina. But the bill headed to Tennessee Gov. Bill Lee’s desk , requiring all state agencies to report people suspected of being in the U.S. without legal status. All seven state measures go beyond what’s federally required, which is to cooperate with enforcement officers by providing personal information of recipients when asked.

In Louisiana, families with mixed immigration statuses have reported that the state’s new law, enacted last year, for their kids with U.S. citizenship.

“I expect this law will lead to more families asking whether it is safe to seek healthcare, whether information can be shared with immigration authorities, and whether enrolling a child or seeking treatment could expose them to enforcement consequences,” said , a North Carolina immigration attorney.

North Carolina Republican lawmakers inserted their mandate for the state’s health department as part of a in Medicaid funds, which the legislature cut when it failed to pass a budget last year.

Starting in October, state employees will ask non-U.S. citizens receiving Medicaid for proof of their immigration standing and report those without “satisfactory” legal status to federal authorities. “This bill is designed not only to fund our critical needs today, but to begin looking at fraud, abuse issues we know exist within the system,” Republican state Rep. Donny Lambeth said during a House debate on the bill.

Immigrants than people born in the U.S., according to an analysis by the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank, which also found noncitizens are much less likely to than citizens. State health agencies are already required to verify whether applicants’ immigration statuses .

Several Republican leaders responsible for the bill did not respond to requests for comment. North Carolina Department of Health and Human Services spokesperson Hannah Jones said the agency is still trying to understand the impact of the new law.

, about half of adults who “likely” lack legal status said someone in their family has avoided seeking medical care because they were concerned their information could draw the attention of immigration enforcement.

, a North Carolina discrimination attorney, said immigrants “in process,” or those waiting for legal authorization, generally already fear using government assistance for themselves.

“What I’ve learned from handling thousands of cases over the years is that most of the individuals who are in process pay for their own medical treatment out-of-pocket,” Rosa said.

Such policies essentially force children who are U.S. citizens to go without health coverage or hospital care, said , a researcher at Georgetown University’s Center for Children and Families.

“When you do policies that target an immigrant, you may think that you are just targeting this one person in the family, but it’s a really imprecise bomb that takes out the whole household,” Cuello said.

The use of states’ public health agencies to find immigrants who lack legal status is not the only strategy states have deployed. Some have passed laws looking to hospitals to collect and report such information. A 2023 Florida law that requires hospital staff to ask about patients’ immigration status has made noncitizens hesitant to seek care, separated families, and caused psychological distress, by the University of South Florida. Texas Gov. Greg Abbott, a Republican, issued an executive order similar to Florida’s law in 2024.

Democratic states have pushed back against Trump administration policies that mine private medical information to target immigrants, with 21 signing on to a filed last year that attempts to prevent DHS from . recipients’ identities could be shared, but medical information could not. Litigation is ongoing.

DHS did not respond to a request for comment on the record.

After he signed the bill into law, North Carolina’s Democratic governor, Josh Stein, urging Republican lawmakers to protect Medicaid coverage for nearly 27,000 pregnant women and children who are lawfully present in the country. He did not respond to questions about the provision that requires the state to report immigrants without legal status.

Polanco-Galdamez said such laws have further eroded trust in healthcare systems among underserved families.

“At the end of the day, public health systems function best when people feel safe seeking medical care,” Polanco-Galdamez said. “Policies that blur the line between healthcare access and immigration enforcement risk pushing vulnerable families further into the shadows.”

麻豆女优 Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at 麻豆女优鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This <a target="_blank" href="/medicaid/medicaid-immigrants-deportation-state-data-legislation-north-carolina/">article</a&gt; first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="">麻豆女优 Health News</a> and is republished here under a <a target="_blank" href=" Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License</a>.<img src="/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=150&quot; style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

<img id="republication-tracker-tool-source" src="/?republication-pixel=true&post=2237222&amp;ga4=G-J74WWTKFM0&quot; style="width:1px;height:1px;">]]>
2237222