Jamie Estrada, de Albuquerque, Nuevo México, recibió en dos ocasiones inyecciones de lidocaína en la parte superior de la columna vertebral para probar si una ablación permanente del nervio trataría su dolor crónico de cuello.

El dolor desapareció hasta que el anestésico dejó de hacer efecto unas seis horas después. Lo más impactante: a su aseguradora le facturaron $28.000 por cada procedimiento de 10 minutos.

A Mark McCullick, de Longmont, Colorado, lo mandaron a hacerse una tomografía por emisión de positrones (PET) de cuerpo completo para averiguar si su cáncer de próstata había regresado. El estudio, de dos horas, no mostró evidencia de cáncer, pero la factura de $77.000 enviada a la empresa que administra su seguro lo alarmó.

La inflación médica la inflación general durante años, y las facturas de muchos procedimientos breves y de rutina llegan a decenas de miles de dólares.

Estos casos destacan las preguntas que afectan al sistema de salud estadounidense y a los pacientes atrapados en él: ¿Cuál es un precio razonable para cualquier consulta o procedimiento médico y cómo se determina? ¿Qué tanto luchan las aseguradoras, supuestas administradoras del dinero de salud que los pacientes ganan con esfuerzo, para reducir los cargos y qué tan de cerca revisan las facturas para verificar su exactitud?

Los casos de Smith, Estrada y McCullick son facturas del “chargemaster”, calculadas a partir de la lista madre de precios que los proveedores de salud asignan a los servicios.

Los pacientes que tienen seguro generalmente no las pagan. Pero son importantes porque a menudo son el punto de partida para el precio negociado que la aseguradora acepta como razonable por los servicios.

Por lo general, los pacientes son responsables de entre el 10 % y el 20 % del precio negociado, su coseguro, y cuando los precios son tan altos, esa puede ser una cifra muy grande. Además, esas tarifas negociadas son difíciles de conocer para los pacientes (hasta que reciben la factura) y parecen arbitrarias.

Además, como las aseguradoras pueden compensar gastos altos en un año aumentando las primas y los deducibles al siguiente, tienen poco incentivo para negociar con firmeza buenos acuerdos para los pacientes que cubren. Así, de forma indirecta, todos los pacientes pagan sin saberlo.

En los casos de Smith y Estrada, sus aseguradoras pagaron la mayor parte sin cuestionamientos. El Centro Médico Hershey de Penn State, que trató a Smith, recibió $61.000, o el 62% de lo que facturó. New Mexico Surgery Center Orthopaedics, que trató a Estrada, recibió $46.000, o el 82%.

La aseguradora de McCullick, en cambio, dijo que pagaría a Intermountain Health solo el 28 % de su factura de $77.000. Luego hubo otro giro: el hospital, que dijo que había obtenido una preautorización, descubrió después que el estudio no estaba cubierto. Entonces le facturó a McCullick la tarifa completa del chargemaster de $77.000 o le ofreció que podía pagar la tarifa en efectivo de $14.259.

En un comunicado enviado por correo electrónico, Chris Bond, vocero de AHIP, el principal grupo comercial de las aseguradoras de salud, responsabilizó a los hospitales por el problema y dijo que los planes están “enfocados en hacer que los beneficios y la cobertura sean lo más asequibles posible para sus miembros”.

Agregó que: “como la categoría más grande por cada dólar de prima gastado, los aumentos en el costo de la atención hospitalaria tienen un impacto desproporcionado en las primas”.

En un sistema de salud en el que los precios pueden variar de manera exponencial con poca transparencia, ¿cómo pueden los pacientes permitirse enfermarse?

“No tiene sentido”

Los estadounidenses como una de las principales prioridades para el gobierno en 2026, según una encuesta de The Associated Press-NORC, y expresaron especial preocupación por el costo, el acceso y la cobertura.

La primera administración Trump exigió a aseguradoras y hospitales que publicaran archivos con precios en efectivo, brutos y negociados para diversos artículos y servicios. Estas listas de precios sin procesar —a menudo cientos de páginas llenas de códigos de facturación médica— para los pacientes.

Cinco años después, han sido recopiladas, analizadas y ampliadas por académicos y empresas emergentes, lo que ha arrojado luz sobre las disparidades en los precios y cómo han surgido.

“Cuando miramos los datos, ya sea del chargemaster o de lo que pagaron las aseguradoras, están por todos lados; no tienen sentido”, dijo Marcus Dorstel, vicepresidente senior de operaciones de Turquoise Health, una empresa emergente de transparencia de precios con pagadores y proveedores como clientes. “La variación es enorme, incluso en una zona específica”.

Cuando investigadores de la Escuela de Salud Pública Bloomberg de Johns Hopkins analizaron los datos, descubrieron que el precio que distintas aseguradoras pagan por los mismos cargos facturados “puede ser tres o más veces diferente en el mismo hospital”, dijo Ge Bai, profesora de contabilidad en salud que participó en la investigación.

Los precios que pagan las aseguradoras se determinan por numerosos factores, incluidos los que establecen sus contratos con los sistemas de salud. Algunos planes, como el de Smith, pagan automáticamente un porcentaje de los cargos facturados por el hospital, lo que incentiva a los hospitales a aumentar sus tarifas.

ÌýEl Centro Médico Hershey aumentó sus precios para 11 códigos comunes de facturación hospitalaria en un promedio de alrededor de 30% entre 2023 y 2025, calculó para este artículo Dan Snow, científico de datos de Turquoise Health. Pero esos precios no eran muy diferentes de los de otros hospitales en Pennsylvania.

En otros casos, una aseguradora puede acordar pagar a un sistema de salud una tarifa por caso, una tarifa estándar para un tipo de atención, como una colonoscopía o una hospitalización por neumonía.

Pero hay un elemento adicional lucrativo, llamado “carve-out”, que se refiere a un beneficio específico que se negocia y se paga por separado. Por ejemplo, si el hospital utilizó medicamentos o dispositivos costosos, pueden facturarse además de la tarifa global por caso, sin límites en los recargos del hospital.

Ese fue el caso de la tomografía PET de McCullick; alrededor del 80% del cargo no fue por el estudio en sí, sino por un nuevo tipo de medicamento inyectado antes del estudio para detectar el cáncer.

La mayoría de las veces, los precios finales dependen del poder de negociación relativo de la aseguradora y el sistema de salud: ¿Cuál de las partes tiene suficiente influencia en el mercado como para retirarse si la otra no cumple con sus exigencias?

Esos factores “pueden explicar las variaciones y patrones de precios que vemos”, dijo Dorstel. “En algunos mercados, las aseguradoras fijan los precios y, en otros, los aceptan”.

Para las aseguradoras, pagar más es rentable

Las aseguradoras no tienen incentivos para bajar los precios porque los precios altos significan que “reciben una parte del pastel más grande”, dijo Bai.

Por ley, las aseguradoras deben gastar el 80 % u 85% de las primas en la atención de los pacientes. Pero cuando los precios suben, pueden trasladar el aumento a los clientes en forma de primas más altas y aun así cumplir con su obligación legal.

Así, primas más altas significan menos dinero para el paciente y más ganancias para la aseguradora.

Por cada inyección espinal que recibió Estrada, la tarifa contratada por su compañía de seguros fue de $23.237,50. El coseguro de Estrada fue de $5.166,20. Con un plan con deducible alto, se le pidió que pagara la totalidad de esa factura de más de $5.000.

Cuando llamó para cuestionar la factura, dijo que el administrador del centro quirúrgico le explicó que los cargos eran resultado de un “contrato heredado” con la aseguradora que es “ventajoso” y “favorable” para el centro.

Los cargos de New Mexico Surgery Center Orthopaedics son muchas veces mayores que los del hospital donde los médicos del centro admiten pacientes; allí, la tarifa contratada por la aseguradora de Estrada para la misma inyección es de solo $2.058,67. Y en comparación con los cerca de $20.000 que la aseguradora pagó por cada inyección de Estrada, otras aseguradoras pagan al centro alrededor de $700 por el mismo procedimiento, encontró Snow.

El centro quirúrgico forma parte de un grupo nacional que tiene más de 535 instalaciones quirúrgicas, United Surgical Partners International, que a su vez es propiedad de Tenet Healthcare, un conglomerado de salud con fines de lucro. Ese tipo de dominio del mercado puede dar a las empresas el poder de negociación para cobrar —y recibir— lo que quieran, explicó Bai.

El centro quirúrgico, United Surgical Partners International y Tenet Healthcare no respondieron a múltiples solicitudes de comentarios de Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News.

Con cargos prenegociados, las aseguradoras tienen pocos incentivos para revisar facturas cuestionables. Cuando Smith pidió una factura detallada de su cirugía, descubrió que le habían facturado dos intervenciones: una por la extracción del embarazo ectópico y otra porque el cirujano notó signos de endometriosis y realizó una biopsia. Ambas fueron facturadas a la tarifa contratada de $37.923.

Se indignó por los cargos, que a su juicio parecían un cobro duplicado. “Fue una sola cirugía”, dijo. “Hubo una sola incisión”.

Abogada formada en la Universidad de Yale, Smith consultó las pautas federales de codificación correcta de los Centros de Servicios de Medicare y Medicaid (CMS, por sus siglas en inglés), que señalan que los dos códigos de facturación utilizados para su cirugía por lo general no pueden “facturarse juntos para el mismo encuentro con el paciente” porque uno está incluido en el otro.

Smith dijo que se comunicó con el hospital de Penn State, la aseguradora e incluso con el fiscal general del estado sin lograr una resolución. Por eso espera que, a regañadientes, tendrá que pagar el coseguro de $5.250 que el hospital y la aseguradora dicen que debe.

En respuesta a preguntas de Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News, Scott Gilbert, vocero del sistema de salud, no respondió a los detalles específicos de este caso, pero escribió: “Penn State Health reconoce que la facturación de la atención médica puede ser confusa y a menudo abrumadora para los pacientes. El proceso implica muchos factores, incluidos el tipo de atención brindada, dónde se presta y los detalles de la cobertura de seguro del paciente”.

¿Un precio “razonable”?

Después de que un reportero envió múltiples consultas a Intermountain Health, McCullick dijo que un representante le preguntó cuál sería “una cantidad razonable para resolver la situación”.

Sara Quale, portavoz del Hospital Good Samaritan, afiliado de Intermountain donde se realizó la tomografía PET, escribió: “Lamentamos sinceramente la frustración que esta situación ha causado al señor McCullick”, y señaló que “hemos estado en contacto constante con él y continuaremos dando seguimiento según sea necesario”.

McCullick dijo que quiere pagar la parte que le corresponde, pero aún intenta determinar cuál es, sin duda menos que los distintos precios de pago directo que le han ofrecido, todos superiores a $10.000. “La naturaleza cambiante de estas cifras es sorprendente”, escribió en un correo electrónico.

En cuanto a Estrada, estaba tan molesto que decidió no seguir adelante con la ablación del nervio. Mientras lo preparaban para el procedimiento, recordó, el médico dijo que había “escuchado que podría demandar” y lo regañó por ser problemático. El hospital no respondió a una solicitud de comentarios sobre las acusaciones y Estrada dijo que nunca había amenazado con emprender acciones legales.

Estrada se bajó de la camilla y se volvió a poner la camisa. “No voy a dejar que esta persona me introduzca una aguja grande en la espalda”.

Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at Â鶹ŮÓÅ—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

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Jamie Estrada of Albuquerque, New Mexico, twice received injections of lidocaine in his upper spine to test if a permanent nerve ablation would treat his chronic neck pain. His pain vanished — until the numbing agent wore off about six hours later. The real zinger: His insurer was billed $28,000 for each 10-minute procedure.

Mark McCullick of Longmont, Colorado, was sent for a whole-body PET scan to find out whether his prostate cancer was back. The two-hour scan showed no evidence of cancer, but the $77,000 bill sent to the company that administered his insurance alarmed him.

Medical inflation has general inflation for years, with bills for many brief, routine procedures reaching tens of thousands of dollars.

These cases highlight the questions that haunt the American health system and the patients caught in its grip: What is a reasonable price for any health care visit or procedure, and how is it determined? How hard do insurers, the purported stewards of the patient’s hard-earned health dollars, fight to lower charges, and how closely do they scrutinize bills for accuracy?

Smith, Estrada, and McCullick’s cases are all “chargemaster” bills, calculated from the master price list that health providers place on services. Patients who have insurance don’t generally pay them. But they matter because they are often the starting point for the negotiated price the insurer agrees is reasonable to pay for the services. Patients are typically responsible for 10% to 20% of the negotiated price, their coinsurance — and when prices are this high, that can be a big number. What’s more, those negotiated rates are difficult for patients to access (until they get the bill) and seemingly arbitrary.

Also, because health insurers can offset high outlays one year by raising premiums and deductibles the next, they have little incentive to bargain hard for good deals for the patients they cover. So patients all pay unknowingly, indirectly.

In the cases of Smith and Estrada, their insurers paid the majority without questions. Penn State’s Hershey Medical Center, which treated Smith, received $61,000, or 62% of what it charged. New Mexico Surgery Center Orthopaedics, which treated Estrada, received $46,000, or 82%.

McCullick’s insurer, on the other hand, said it would pay Intermountain Health just 28% of his $77,000 bill. Then came another curveball: The hospital, which said it had gotten preauthorization, discovered after the fact that his scan was not covered. So it billed McCullick the full chargemaster rate of $77,000 — or, it offered, he could pay the cash rate of $14,259.

In an emailed statement, Chris Bond, a spokesperson for AHIP, the leading trade group for health insurers, blamed hospitals for the trouble, saying that plans are “focused on making benefits and coverage as affordable as possible for their members,” and that: “As the largest single category per premium dollar spent, increases in the cost of hospital-based care have an outsized impact on premiums.”

In a health system in which prices can vary exponentially with little transparency, how can patients afford to get sick?

‘It Makes No Sense’

Americans as a top priority for government in 2026, according to an Associated Press-NORC poll, expressing particular concern about cost, access, and insurance coverage.

The first Trump administration required insurers and hospitals to publish files containing cash, gross, and negotiated prices for various items and services. These raw, machine-readable price lists — often hundreds of pages filled with medical billing codes — to patient-customers.

Five years later, they’ve been ingested, parsed, and enriched by academics and startups, shedding light on the often-shocking disparities in prices and how they’ve come to exist.

“When we look at the data, whether it’s from a chargemaster or what insurers paid, it’s all over the map — it makes no sense,” said Marcus Dorstel, senior vice president of operations at Turquoise Health, a price transparency startup with payers and providers as clients. “The variation is huge, even in a specific area.”

When researchers at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health looked at the data, they discovered that the price different insurers pay for the same billed charges “can be three or more times different at the same hospital,” said Ge Bai, a professor of health care accounting who was among the researchers.

The prices insurers pay are determined by numerous factors, including what’s in their contracts with health systems. Some health plans, such as Smith’s, automatically pay a percentage of the hospital’s billed charges, incentivizing hospitals to increase their rates. Hershey Medical Center increased its prices for 11 common hospital billing codes by an average of about 30% from 2023 to 2025, Dan Snow, a data scientist at Turquoise Health, calculated for this article. But those prices were not much different than those of other hospitals in Pennsylvania.

In other cases, an insurer might agree to pay a health system a case rate — a standard rate for a type of care, say a colonoscopy or an inpatient stay for pneumonia.

But there’s a lucrative catch, called a “carve-out,” which refers to a particular benefit that’s negotiated and paid separately. If the hospital used expensive drugs or devices, for instance, they can be billed in addition to the bundled case rate, with no limits on hospital markups. That was the case with McCullick’s PET scan; about 80% of the charge was not for the scan, but for a new kind of drug injected before the scan to detect cancer.

Most often the final prices depend on the relative negotiating power of the insurer and the health system: Which side has enough market sway to walk away if the other doesn’t meet its demands?

Such factors “can explain the price variations and patterns that we see,” Dorstel said. “In some markets insurers are price-makers, and in others they are price-takers.”

For Insurers, Paying More Is Profitable

Insurers aren’t incentivized to lower prices, because high prices mean they “get a slice of a bigger pie,” Bai said.

By law, insurers must spend 80% or 85% of premiums on patient care. But when prices rise, they can pass on the increase to customers in the form of higher premium costs and still meet their legal obligation. So higher premiums mean less money for the patient and more profit for the insurer.

For each spinal injection Estrada received, his insurance company’s contracted rate was $23,237.50. Estrada’s coinsurance was $5,166.20. With a high-deductible plan, he was asked to pay all of that more than $5,000 bill.

When he called to challenge the big bill, he said, the surgery center’s administrator told him the charges were the result of a “legacy contract” with the insurer that is “advantageous” and “favorable” to the center.

New Mexico Surgery Center Orthopaedics’ charges are many times those of the hospital where the center’s doctors admit patients, for example; there, Estrada’s insurance company’s contracted rate for the same spinal injection is just $2,058.67. And compared with the roughly $20,000 the insurer paid for each of Estrada’s injections, other insurers pay the center about $700 for the same procedure, Snow found.

The surgery center is part of a national group that owns more than 535 surgical facilities, United Surgical Partners International, which in turn is owned by Tenet Healthcare, a for-profit health conglomerate. That kind of market dominance can lend companies the negotiating power to charge — and get paid — what they want, Bai said.

The surgery center, United Surgical Partners International, and Tenet Healthcare did not reply to multiple requests for comment from Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News.

With charges prenegotiated, insurers have little incentive to scrutinize questionable bills. When Smith asked for an itemized bill for her surgery, she discovered that she had been billed for two surgeries: one for the ectopic pregnancy removal and another because the surgeon noticed signs of endometriosis and performed a biopsy. Both were billed at the contracted rate of $37,923.

She was livid at the charges, which to her seemed like double-dipping. “That was one surgery,” she said. “There was one incision.”

A Yale University-trained lawyer, Smith consulted the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services’ , which note the two billing codes used for her surgery generally can’t be “billed together for the same patient encounter” because one more or less is bundled with the other.

Smith said she reached out to the Penn State hospital, the insurer, and even the state attorney general without resolution. So she expects she will, reluctantly, have to pay the $5,250 coinsurance that the hospital and insurer say she owes.

In response to questions from Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News, Scott Gilbert, a spokesperson for the health system, did not respond to the specifics of this case, but wrote: “Penn State Health recognizes that health care billing can be confusing and often overwhelming for patients. The process involves many factors, including the type of care provided, where it’s delivered and the details of a patient’s insurance coverage.”

A ‘Reasonable’ Price?

After a reporter sent multiple inquiries to Intermountain Health, McCullick said an agent asked him what would be “a reasonable amount to resolve the situation.”

Sara Quale, a spokesperson for Good Samaritan Hospital, the Intermountain affiliate where he got the PET scan, wrote: “We sincerely regret the frustration this situation has caused Mr. McCullick,” noting that “we have been in consistent contact with him and will continue to follow up as needed.”

McCullick said he wants to pay his fair share but is still trying to figure out what that is — certainly less than the different self-pay prices he’s been offered, which all top $10,000. “The fluid nature of these numbers is mind blowing,” he wrote in an email.

As for Estrada, he was so angry that he decided not to go ahead with the nerve ablation. While he was being prepped for the procedure, Estrada recalled, the physician said he had “heard he might sue” and chastised him for being a troublemaker. The hospital did not respond to a request for comment on the allegations, and Estrada said he had never threatened legal action.

Estrada got off the table and put his shirt back on. “I’m not going to let this person put a big needle into my back.”

Bill of the Month is a crowdsourced investigation by Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News and that dissects and explains medical bills. Since 2018, this series has helped many patients and readers get their medical bills reduced, and it has been cited in statehouses, at the U.S. Capitol, and at the White House. Do you have a confusing or outrageous medical bill you want to share? Tell us about it!

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When his son Adam DiPlacido tried to find a permanent place to care for his father, who now needed a ventilator to breathe through a tracheostomy tube, he discovered none of Missouri’s nearly 500 nursing homes could take him.

“I never thought it would be easy, but I never thought it would be this hard,” Adam said.

A Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News investigation found widespread flaws and gaps in care for some of the country’s most debilitated people: those who cannot breathe on their own.

Spinal cord injuries, strokes, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, and neurological diseases such as multiple sclerosis have left tens of thousands of Americans permanently dependent on ventilators. The barriers these patients face offer a stark example of how the United States’ disjointed health care system makes dealing with severe illness so much harder.

The investigation found patients are frequently stymied in efforts to get their insurers to provide appropriate home ventilators. They can end up spending hundreds of thousands of dollars for private nurses to make sure they don’t die overnight. Those who need to be in a nursing home or other health facility sometimes must move to another state, far from their families.

“There are not a lot of institutions that can manage these people,” said Jonathon Schwartz, acting chief medical officer for the Spaulding Rehabilitation Network in Boston.

Only 347 of the nation’s roughly 14,750 nursing homes have specialized units dedicated to people on ventilators, a Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News analysis of federal data shows. Fifteen states, including Missouri, have no nursing homes with a specialized unit for ventilator care.

While nursing homes can care for residents on ventilators on their regular floors, in practice few do. From April through June, fewer than 10% of nursing homes had long-stay residents breathing with the assistance of invasive mechanical ventilators, which deliver air through a tube down the airway or via a tracheostomy, the analysis found. Fewer than 15% of nursing homes had short-stay patients on ventilators.

Many patients in nursing homes can be weaned off ventilators, but those who can’t because of their condition often spend years in hospitals, which are not designed for residency. Innovative alternatives to traditional nursing homes exist in some areas of the country, but they haven’t been widely replicated and now are at risk from steep reductions in Medicaid enacted by President Donald Trump and the Republican-controlled Congress.

“It could create a terrible scenario,” said Gene Gantt, a respiratory care consultant to states and insurers.

Many people permanently on ventilators prefer to live at home as long as they can. But care there can be perilous and pricey. Some state health programs pay for ventilator care for low-income patients, but getting enrolled can take months amid bureaucratic hurdles and waitlists.

Some insurers balk at providing advanced home ventilators — which sound alerts for collapsed lungs, airway leaks, or malfunctions and can cost more than $10,000 — until patients have lost much of their ability to breathe.

“Feeling you’re suffocating is a horrific feeling, and that feeling can go on for months and months” as ALS patients decline while sparring with insurers, said Tyler Rehbein, an assistant professor of neurology at the University of Rochester who treats ALS patients.

‘Out of Money’

David Goldstein’s first symptom of ALS was a limp that appeared in the fall of 2022. It took six months for doctors to diagnose him with the neuromuscular disorder, also known as Lou Gehrig’s Disease. ALS afflicts about 34,000 Americans, destroying the nerve cells in the brain and spinal cord that control muscles, including those for breathing. It eventually results in complete paralysis, while most people remain mentally alert. Patients usually end up on ventilators if they do not die first, and respiratory failure is the most common cause of death.

Now 69 and on a ventilator, David cannot move anything except his eyes and mouth, said his ex-wife, Janis Goldstein, who has power of attorney. He requires someone around all the time in his Houston apartment to feed and bathe him, give him medication, and remove mucus blocking his airway. The settings on the ventilator require frequent monitoring and adjustments.

In spring of 2023, David got on the waiting list for Texas’ Medicaid home health program for disabled adults. More than a year later, Texas authorized 12 hours of home care a day. Still, Janis said, the state’s designated administrator sometimes has trouble getting workers for those shifts, and she and her ex-husband must pay for nurses to cover the rest of the day or night.

She said they have spent around a half-million dollars, largely on nurses and aides. They raised much of it through online campaigns and a fundraiser headlined by the country singer Larry Gatlin.

“The point that we’re at now, with the 24-hour help, is we’re pretty much out of money,” Janis said.

She is planning to move David into one of the few nursing homes in the region that take patients on ventilators, she said, but is concerned it will be difficult to arrange for someone to stay with David overnight in his room. She fears that if David’s position shifts even half an inch, he won’t be able to call for help through the machine that tracks his eye movements.

“I don’t know that he’ll be able to handle the stress and the anxiety of knowing that he could suffocate, even in a facility, because he doesn’t have someone by his side,” she said.

Ventilator Deserts

When Michael DiPlacido’s son Adam spent weeks searching for a facility in Missouri that could take care of a patient on a ventilator with a trach tube, the only one that was even a possibility told him it couldn’t accept new patients, because its lone respiratory therapist had quit.

“It’s incredible to me there is not one single place in Missouri that can take a patient like my father,” Adam said.

Looking outside the state, Michael decided to move to a nursing home north of Chicago, about five hours by car from St. Louis. After three months, he left the facility because it was so far away from his family, Adam said.

Adam helped his father move into a long-term care hospital in suburban St. Louis for six weeks. But Michael’s insurer would not pay for hospital-level acute care, so Adam said Michael had to pay more than $47,000 out-of-pocket. Next, Adam helped him move to another Illinois nursing home, about an hour away, that his son had originally rejected because of online reviews, including a Medicare warning that abuse had occurred. Finding it deficient, Michael left after a week.

Adam found a private nursing home company that would care for Michael in his home, at a cost of $960 a day. “After 323 days, my father has finally made it back home,” Adam said in an email in September.

But with his health rapidly deteriorating, Michael was admitted to a hospice facility in October. He died later that month at 75.

Gantt, the respiratory care consultant, said that fewer than half of state Medicaid programs provide adequate reimbursement rates for ventilator patients. He said most state Medicaid payment formulas do not measure outcomes or reward nursing homes financially if they provide better care, such as weaning a patient off the ventilator or preventing infections. He said he has seen nursing homes accept patients with trach tubes even when nurses lack proper training, or when the facility doesn’t employ respiratory therapists.

“For the large part, these patients are stuck in bed,” Gantt said. “We should try to get them the best quality of life.”

David Gifford, the chief medical officer for the American Health Care Association, a nursing home trade group, said equipping a nursing home with ventilators and getting state approval is expensive, and outside of urban areas, many markets lack enough local patients who need ventilators to make it financially worthwhile.

“It’s not as simple as saying we’re going to pay more and have more respiratory therapists,” Gifford said. “This is a group that needs highly specialized care. You’re not going to have it everywhere.”

Flagging Breaths

Derek McManus’ weakening right hand and occasional twitching was the first sign something was wrong. In October 2023, doctors diagnosed Derek, a corporate executive who lives in Painted Post, New York, with ALS.

By August 2024, Derek’s lungs were operating at 78% of capacity, his medical records show. Because ALS progresses so quickly, doctors often prescribe advanced . These machines deliver high-pressure air through a mask (called non-invasive) or a tube down the airway or via a tracheostomy (called invasive). They can calibrate themselves based on a patient’s breathing and have alarms that detect leaks, airway blockages, and device malfunctions. They can run on portable power sources and backup batteries in case of a power failure. The machines can allow people to talk or eat.

But some insurers have what physicians call “fail first” policies that won’t pay for ventilators unless the patient has already tried a respiratory assist device without success (as defined by the company). These simpler machines, the kind sleep apnea patients use, are not as effective in removing carbon dioxide as ventilators and lack safety features. Commonly known by the acronyms or , they can cost $1,000 or more and need to be plugged into an electrical socket.

“It seems to be an expectation of insurance companies they should live the rest of their life attached to a wall outlet,” said Rehbein, the University of Rochester neurologist.

In November 2024, Derek’s insurer denied his physician’s request for a ventilator, writing that “you have not failed treatment” with the simpler device, according to the insurer’s letter, provided by his wife, Lesley McManus. By April, Derek’s breathing capacity had dropped to 60% of normal. Lesley said she worried he would suffocate overnight if his basic device stopped working, since it had no safety alert. “He couldn’t take the mask off, because he can’t move his hands,” she said.

The insurer denied a second request for a ventilator, reiterating that Derek had not shown the simpler machine hadn’t worked, according to another insurance letter. Derek, who is 56, appealed to an independent medical reviewer, who overturned the insurer’s decision and ordered it to provide a ventilator, according to a copy of the ruling. The doctor wrote that the machine’s alarm system and capacity to automatically clear away airway secretion by simulating a cough were “vital for patient safety” and would help protect Derek from developing pneumonia.

“This multi-faceted approach to respiratory care is essential for improving gas exchange, reducing the work of breathing, and ultimately enhancing the patient’s quality of life and extending survival,” the decision said.

Derek said that since he got the new machine, he’s breathing easier, literally and emotionally. “If I’m not breathing right, it will give it an alert, and it will let us know if I don’t have the mask on properly,” he said.

The McManus family requested Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News not publish their insurer’s name, out of fear of repercussions.

Insurance Rules

John Hansen-Flaschen, a pulmonologist who founded Penn Medicine’s , said some patients give up when an insurer denies their requests and don’t file appeals. “These are some of the most vulnerable people there are, and they don’t have energy to do this,” he said.

Doctors who treat patients with neuromuscular disorders said the most resistance to providing ventilators comes from some private Medicare Advantage plans, but they said it also has been an issue with some commercial policies.

Insurers dispute that they refuse ventilators for patients who need them. The of Excellus BlueCross BlueShield, which Rehbein said was one of the companies that covers his patients, requires simpler breathing machines to have failed before patients can get the more sophisticated ventilator. After a Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News inquiry, Excellus clarified its policy with a footnote saying it does consider mechanical ventilators as first-line therapy for certain situations, such as ALS, on a case-by-case basis.

UnitedHealthcare confirmed that some of its policies require that a less complex device be tried initially and found ineffective before a ventilator can be authorized. doesn’t mandate a stepped process and says it considers mechanical ventilators based on the severity of the condition and “where interruption or failure of respiratory support would lead to death,” with other patients eligible only for the simpler devices. Humana and Cigna did not respond to requests to provide their policies.

Chris Bond, a spokesperson for AHIP, the health insurance industry’s trade organization, said, “Health plans work to connect patients with safe, clinically appropriate care and welcome opportunities to work with policymakers and stakeholders across the health care system to continually improve access and precisely address any coverage-related issues.”

Melanie Lendnal, senior vice president for policy and advocacy at the ALS Association, said, “I haven’t met one person yet living with ALS, or a family member, who has not had to fight — really fight — to get a non-invasive ventilator.”

A Model in Massachusetts

In 2019, David Marion, a 36-year-old plumber, was hanging out with friends in Lowell, Massachusetts, when he tripped on the sidewalk and fractured his neck. The injury rendered him quadriplegic and paralyzed his abdominal and diaphragm muscles, requiring him to use a ventilator. Surgeons performed a tracheotomy, and over the next year and a half, Marion lived in two long-term acute care hospitals. “I didn’t get out of bed” at the second hospital, Marion, now 43, said in an interview.

His mother, Denise Valliere, who lives in New Hampshire, said she grew desperate trying to find a permanent home for him that was close enough that she could visit. “Some of those nursing homes are pretty sad places,” she said.

At the end of 2020, Marion’s luck turned. He was accepted by the Leonard Florence Center for Living in Chelsea, Massachusetts, which has created an alternative to the institutional life most nursing homes can offer people on ventilators. The center follows the philosophy, with small residences each serving 10 people, with private bedrooms, a common living room, and outdoor space. Residents set their own schedules, including when and what to eat. The center has 10 residences in its building; six are dedicated to people dependent on ventilators, including those with ALS or MS.

The center’s respiratory therapists helped Marion get to the point where he didn’t need a feeding tube and didn’t require his ventilator for portions of the day. The center provided a portable ventilator attached to his wheelchair and a computer tablet that Marion operates with his mouth. It allows him to summon the elevator, open doors, go outside, and adjust his bed, window shades, temperature, and television settings. Other residents who can’t use their hands or mouths can operate the devices through a camera that captures eye movement.

“This gives back independence to people who never thought they’d have independence again,” said Barry Berman, the chief executive officer of Chelsea Jewish Lifecare, the nonprofit that owns the Leonard Florence Center. “There are alternatives. It doesn’t have to be the way that it is.”

Most of the residents’ stays are paid for by Medicaid, which together with Medicare provides the bulk of the center’s revenue. Its finances are bolstered by the nonprofit’s endowment, something most nursing homes lack. Berman said that since the center opened in 2010, he has hosted dozens of visitors interested in replicating its model elsewhere in the country, but no one has.

Some states have licensed facilities that aren’t nursing homes to care for people on ventilators. In California, some people on ventilators live in “congregate living health facilities,” which are residential houses that for the terminally ill, people who are catastrophically or severely disabled, or people who are mentally alert but physically disabled.

Patients often must pay privately because Medicaid managed care programs don’t include these facilities as a benefit, said Mariam Voskanyan, who is president of the state association representing congregate living facilities and owns one in Los Angeles. California’s Medi-Cal program is authorized to pay these kinds of facilities through its waiver, but the program is at capacity and there is of more than 5,000 people.

Researchers expect to reduce or eliminate programs like these to make up for nearly $900 billion in coming Medicaid reductions, since the federal government does not require states to cover or .

Valliere, Marion’s mother, said she was baffled that there were not more places like Leonard Florence. “How can we be so behind in that kind of care and those kinds of facilities if we’re the best country in the world,” she asked. “Why is this?”

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She has developed a strategy for addressing high insurance premiums — one that’s based on giving patients reliable information about how much they, and their insurer, would have to pay for care. The system is already working in Massachusetts. Could it be a model for the rest of the country?

Ho explains to Dan Weissmann, host of “An Arm and a Leg,” why she thinks this approach could help curb high prices and how listeners can help prove it by sharing their medical bills.

Credits

Note: “An Arm and a Leg” uses speech-recognition software to generate transcripts, which may contain errors. Please use the transcript as a tool but check the corresponding audio before quoting the podcast.

Dan: Hey there–

Vivian Ho is a health economist at Rice University and the Baylor College of Medicine in Houston. And since early 2024, she’s been giving talks at… HR conferences. Which is not a typical gig for an economist.

Vivian Ho: Um, yes. Economists don’t usually do that. We love to go talk at our own conferences.

Dan: But she’s been eager to spread a pretty big message.

Vivian Ho: There’s a potential to save workers, um, you know, and employees a lot of money.

Dan: And a few weeks ago, she sent me an email asking for help with what she’s trying to do:Ìý

She’s wants folks to send her hospital bills for a study she thinks could be part of saving people a lot of moneys. She wondered if I’d encourage people to pitch in.

And honestly, I wanted to say yes before I even really knew anything specific about the study.

I should say: Vivian Ho has been a donor to this show. That’s actually how I met her and learned about her work. And became kind of a fan.Ìý

Over the last few years, she’s been digging up and publishing evidence we need, to push back against the way health care keeps getting more and more expensive.

This is stuff a lot of us suspected, to say the least — stuff reporters have documented examples of — but she’s demonstrated they’re actual trends, not one-offs.Ìý

For instance: When nonprofit hospitals make big profits — and they often do – they call them surpluses– they don’t generally use that money to help patients, by giving more charity care to reduce people’s bills.Ìý

In one study, she compared hospital finances in the early 2010s and near the end of the decade. As the decade was ending, she found nonprofit hospitals were a LOT more profitable than they’d been before.Ìý

And they’d gotten a lot richer, with like seventy percent more cash in the bank than they’d had earlier.ÌýÌý

But they were actually giving out less charity care.ÌýÌý

ÌýShe told me she ran that down after she got help understanding a big set of data that helped her see what hospitals actually do with their money– and started to poke around in it.

Vivian Ho: I say, well, I’m just gonna go have a look at, you know, one of the local hospitals and see what it says and then I pull it up and I go, oh wow.

Dan: She took a peek at one hospital’s “fund balance” — that’s non-profit speak for an institution’s savings, like for a rainy day.Ìý

Vivian Ho: The fund balance for one of the hospitals across the street from Rice University is five and a half billion dollars. And so, you know, then it’s like, well, I need to take a closer look at this.

Dan: Here’s a couple things she found: That fund balance — the “rainy day fund” — was enough to run the hospital for more than two years. And it runs a healthy profit margin.Ìý

And her study showed when she zoomed out: This is not a one-off. Among hospitals that do well, it’s the norm.

And this kind of data — this kind of EVIDENCE of how things work, of who benefits, and how much, from the totally unfair and unaffordable prices we’re all up against — it’s ammunition.Ìý

Vivian Ho is looking for people to share their hospital bills with her, in order to build up her arsenal of information .Ìý

She’s got a strategy in mind for how to deploy that information to save a lot of people a ton of money. It’s interesting.

And: I have no idea if this specific strategy will pay off.

But here’s what I do think: ?If we’re going to fight against the greed and exploitation that make our health care system so unhealthy — so deadly — we’re gonna need all the fighting power we can get.

So, I’ve sent Vivian Ho a hospital bill. And at the end of this episode I’ll encourage you to do the same.Ìý

This is An Arm and a Leg — a show about why health care costs so freaking much, and what we can maybe do about it. I’m Dan Weissmann. I’m a reporter, and I like a challenge. So the job we’ve chosen here is to take one of the most enraging, terrifying, depressing parts of American life, and bring you a show that’s entertaining, empowering and useful.

Dan: Vivian Ho has been a health economist for like 40 years. And you could say she has mixed feelings.

Vivian Ho: Health economists, they work on so many different things and they are all important and interesting. But I do think the issue of the cost of healthcare and the cost of health insurance premiums is the biggest problem putting a burden on the average American citizen. And I don’t think as a profession that we spend enough time on that basic issue. I feel kind of – well, it does make me quite sad because here I am, I’ve worked in this career for this entire time, and things aren’t getting better. They’re actually getting much worse.

Dan: And that, she says, is why she does things like go to HR conferences these days. She’s got the motivation and she’s got the freedom to do it.Ìý

Vivian Ho: So I’m super lucky. I’ve got tenure at Rice and you know, I’m a member of National Academy of Medicine. I’ve sort of achieved everything that I wanted to achieve, and now it’s, it’s all about, well, what can we do?

Dan: She’s decided to go after what she now sees as the biggest problem. Not the ONLY problem, but the biggest driver in prices that only seem to go up more every year.

Hospital systems are consolidating — gobbling each other up. So they get more bargaining power with insurers. They get higher prices without necessarily delivering more value.

Which isn’t what economists always expect. Bigger can mean better, more efficient. That’s what Vivian Ho used to expect.

Vivian Ho: I started this whole research agenda sort of 10-15 years ago, and I thought bigger was going to be better. I thought because of economies of scale and that if you allowed hospitals to acquire physician practices, there would be less duplication of services, you’d save money. But then the problem is there’s no mechanism that forces a provider to pass any savings onto the consumer. So there may be economies of scale, it’s just you and I as consumers aren’t able to enjoy any of those benefits.

Dan: That’s something we’ve talked about on this show. Like a lot. But what Vivian Ho has been able to demonstrate is: At this point, the average profit margins for hospitals — including “non-profit” hospitals — are actually higher than average profit margins for insurance companies.

Vivian Ho: There’s plenty of rural hospitals and smaller hospitals that lose money, but net, when you average on just how much profits the consolidated systems are making and you add them up all over the country, it’s much higher than what you get for the total profits of insurers.

Dan: Which isn’t to say that insurance companies don’t have a BIG role to play in our suffering.Ìý

Vivian Ho: Insurers are, in many ways, not doing what they should be for customers. Certainly the show demonstrates that in many ways and that they are earning high profits. I’ve just looked at the data and concluded that the hospitals are earning much higher profits than the insurers are, and that’s where we’ve gotta focus our attention.Ìý

Dan: I mean, there’s so much to unpack there, right? One is, wow, the hospitals are earning higher profits than insurance companies, and the insurance companies, by and large, are publicly traded entities that answer to shareholders. And the majority of hospitals in the United States are, as far as the IRS is concerned not-for-profit entities.

Vivian Ho: Exactly. We’ve been doing research lately that unfortunately shows that our not-for-profit hospitals behave a lot like for-profit companies.

Dan: So, okay, how do we get at that?Ìý

Vivian Ho: Oh, uh, how do we change the behavior of what’s going on?Ìý

Dan: Yeah.

Vivian Ho: Yeah. So…

Dan: Here’s Vivian Ho’s game plan. It’s complicated, and I’m not in a position to say, “this’ll totally work” — but there’s a lot that’s worth knowing here.

Especially this:

When Vivian Ho talks to business executives or HR managers, she brings out another set of data. And this is data that’s only become available in the last few years.Ìý

Insurers now have to show what they pay hospitals. Not the sticker price, the negotiated price.

So, Vivian Ho’s talk includes a slide showing some details from three Houston hospitals. Blue Cross pays one of them about 22 thousand dollars for spinal fusion surgery. Another one gets 66 thousand — three times as much..Ìý

And the slide shows: That math is similar for other procedures.Ìý

Vivian Ho: Employers didn’t realize how different the prices could be at their local hospitals. They thought, you know, anyone would think, oh, the prices couldn’t be that different. And now that some of the data is starting to make it out there, it’s becoming clear you really could save a lot of money.

Dan: I mean, you MAYBE could — if you could give your workers a good reason to go to the hospital that charges less.

Vivian Ho has a model for how that could work. It’s — based in part on a story I call Once Upon a Time in Massachusetts.Ìý

That’s next.

This episode of An Arm and a Leg is produced in partnership with Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News. They’re a nonprofit newsroom covering health issues in America. Their reporters do amazing work. They win all kinds of awards every year. We’re honored to work with them.Ìý

So, here’s our story — Once Upon a Time in Massachusetts — straight from the story’s author.

Elena Prager: I am Elena Prager. I’m an assistant professor of economics at the Simon Business School at the University of Rochester.

Dan: And while doing her dissertation, she came across a very unusual set of data.Ìý

Elena Prager: I was like, wow, goldmine.

Dan: Here’s the story: Massachusetts has an agency that basically runs employee health benefits for all state employees, and a lot of local-government workers too.

And once upon a time — starting in 2010– they tried something unusual.Ìý

Elena Prager: Possibly because they were lucky, possibly because they were smart, they designed their health insurance plans – at least when it came to hospital care – based everything on copays. And what that means is that you are given a dollar number. Let’s say $250 or $500 and like that’s it. That’s the number. If you go to hospital A, you pay 250, you go to hospital B, you pay 500. The end.

Dan: Which is totally different from how we’re used to looking at hospitals, right? I mean, regular insurance plans typically say, “You’ll pay like 10 percent, or 20 percent or 30 percent of whatever the total bill turns out to be.”Ìý

Elena Prager: And the patient is left scratching their head being like, well, how do I know what the total bill is gonna be? Even if the hospital tells me something. Like, what if something goes wrong with the anesthesia? They have to call in an extra specialist. There’s a complication. More stuff gets done. Like it’s very, very hard to, for a patient and even really a provider, to predict in advance what’s gonna be done to them and therefore what the price is going to be.

Dan: So there’s no way for me to take price into account if I need to go to the hospital.

But Once Upon a Time in Massachusetts, there was. It was a co-pay. Whatever insurance plan you were on, it worked the same way:

Go to hospital A — where prices are generally higher — your copay might be five hundred dollars.

Go to hospital B — that charges the insurance plan less for stuff — you’d pay two-fifty.

And Elena Prager found the data that showed what happened next.

Long story short, she found that over three years, patients started using lower-priced hospitals more often. Patients saved money, and so did the health plan.Ìý

And actually, Massachusetts still runs its health plans this way, but–Ìý

ÌýVivian Ho doesn’t think other employers can just get their insurance companies to adopt this same model.Ìý

VIVIAN HO: It’s actually a fair amount of work.

DAN:Ìý Work for the insurance company. Doing the math to figure out which tier is which, and what the copays would be.

Vivian Ho: and of course it gets the hospitals really upset.

Dan:Ìý The folks in Massachusetts had a ton of leverage that most employers don’t have:ÌýÌý

Elena Prager says they represented a huge chunk of the insurance market like a twelfth of it. Enough business that it was worth insurance companies’ while to put in the work.

But now, Vivian Ho has her eye on a couple of new services that are promising to do something similar.

One is actually a subsidiary of everybody’s favorite insurance company: United Healthcare. They make an app called Surest.

Surest Ad: It’s easy to shop for a vacation rental or your next flight, but when it comes to something like healthcare, not so easy. That’s why Surest is a health plan, designed to be simple with clear upfront costs.

Dan: Here’s how Vivian Ho describes the mechanics of this kind of app.

Vivian Ho: Doctor tells you you need to go get an MRI, you punch an MRI, the app knows where you live, and it says, here’s a list of providers where you can go get an MRI. And then if you go to this particular place, there’s no copay and there’s actually no deductible, and then if you go to this MRI place, well, you know, there’s gonna be a $25 copay or a $50 copay. Yeah. Isn’t that kind of mind blowing?

Dan: I tell her: That sounds like I would want that if I trusted that the place that costs my employer less is, you know, gonna take good care of me.

Vivian Ho: Right. Well that’s why I’m trying to get funding to do an analysis to look at the spending and quality implications of using one of these apps.

Dan: That is: Do people using these apps end up choosing lower-cost providers? AND: Do they get good care when they do?

Vivian Ho wants to study that. But first she needs to study something else.Ìý

Vivian Ho: All of these apps and price shopping applications, they all depend on having the correct data. Now, the insurers are required to disclose this information by federal rules. It is slowly coming out. It’s not all there yet, but no one’s actually looked to see whether it’s accurate.

Dan: Oh.

Vivian Ho: So there’s been a lot of focus on, is the price there or is it not there, but not is it the price that the patient is actually getting billed.

Dan: And this is why Vivian Ho wants our hospital bills.Ìý

Because: Whether or not one particular strategy is gonna pan out, the data itself contains ammunition. One hospital gets paid twice as much as the ones across the street?Ìý

I mean, that’s information I want out in the open, and getting put to use.Ìý

But that information canÌý only be useful if we know the data is accurate. And right now, there’s no way to know.Ìý

Insurers are publishing big data sets, but howÌý do we *know* somebody at the insurance company didn’t just go to Chat GPT and say, “Make me a giant spreadsheet with these fields on it?”

Vivian Ho says if she has enough ACTUAL bills — a thousand would be good, three thousand would be great — she can check.Ìý

Actually, even better: She wants your itemized bill and, if she can get it, the paperwork you get from your insurance company about what they paid. The thing that says “This is not a bill.” It’s an “explanation of benefits” — or EOB for short.

And, she recognizes, this isn’t a TINY ask.

Vivian Ho: I realize it’s time consuming. It does, you know, because you gotta sit down. It’s like, what’s my password and log in, and then you’ve gotta, you know, find one of these EOBs.

Dan: Oh, and you’ve gotta cover up all your personally identifying information.

Vivian Ho: We don’t wanna see your your name and address and so, you know, it takes time to you, you can sort of print these out and use a Sharpie and cross them out.

Dan: It does sound like a huge drag, but I’m here to tell you: I did it. And it took me maybe five minutes.

I don’t know how Vivian Ho’s specific strategy will play out, and honestly, neither does she.

Vivian Ho: You know, I am going at this at sort of like many different angles.

Dan: Yeah.

Vivian Ho: So just trying to raise people’s awareness of there are huge price differences. This is, this is what it takes to address the issue.Ìý

Dan: If you’ve gotten a hospital bill in the last year or so, and you’ve got five minutes — maybe set a note on your calendar for when you DO have five minutes? — I’d love it if you gave this a shot.Ìý

Grab a sharpie, fire up your printer, dig up your login. Print out a bill and an EOB, scratch out your identifying information, take a picture on your phone — wow, this is sounding long, but honestly, it took me five minutes — so do those things, and send the images to pricecheck@rice.edu.Ìý

Vivian Ho’s got researchers standing by.

Coming up on this show: We’re gonna take some time as the year ends, to look at some things that DIDN’T suck in 2025.Ìý

Which basically means: Places where state governments stepped in to protect us from ripoff prices. Which, it turns out, happened!Ìý

News archive 1: Oregonians burdened by medical bills may soon get a break on their credit scores.

News archive 2: New law aimed at protecting Maine consumers from the impacts of medical debt goes into effect.

News archive 3: Tonight Indiana governor Mike Braun signs 10 health care-related bills into law.

Dan: Happened enough that it’ll take more than just one episode to give you a good sample.

That’s next time on An Arm and a Leg.

Till then, take care of yourself.Ìý

This episode of An Arm and a Leg was produced by me, Dan Weissmann, with help from Emily Pisacreta — and edited by Ellen Weiss. Adam Raymonda is our audio wizard.

Our music is by Dave Weiner and Blue Dot Sessions. Bea Bosco is our consulting director of operations.Ìý

An Arm and a Leg is produced in partnership with Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News. That’s a national newsroom producing in-depth journalism about health issues in America and a core program at Â鶹ŮÓÅ, an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism.

ÌýZach Dyer is senior audio producer at Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News. He’s editorial liaison to this show.

An Arm and a Leg is distributed by KUOW, Seattle’s NPR news station.

And thanks to the Institute for Nonprofit News for serving as our fiscal sponsor.

They allow us to accept tax-exempt donations. You can learn more about INN at INN.org.

Finally, thank you to everybody who supports this show financially.

You can join in any time at arm and a leg show, dot com, slash: support.

“An Arm and a Leg” is a co-production of Â鶹ŮÓÅ Health News and Public Road Productions.

For more from the team at “An Arm and a Leg,” subscribe to its weekly newsletter, . You can alsoÌýfollow the show onÌýÌý²¹²Ô»åÌý³Ù³ó±ð . And if you’ve got stories to tell about the health care system, the producersÌýwould love to .

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MU Health Care, donde practican la mayoría de los médicos que utiliza su familia, estaba inmerso en una disputa contractual con Anthem, la aseguradora de salud de Wingler. El contrato vigente estaba a punto de expirar.

Entonces, el 31 de marzo, la mujer recibió un correo electrónico alertándola de que al día siguiente el hospital ya no estaría en la red de Anthem.

La noticia la dejó atónita.

“Sé que negocian contratos todo el tiempo… pero parecía un simple trámite burocrático que no nos afectaría. Nunca antes me habían excluido de la red de una aseguradora de esa manera”, comentó. El momento no pudo ser menos oportuno.

La consulta: Cuando la aseguradora de salud de una madre de Missouri no pudo llegar a un acuerdo con su hospital, la mayoría de sus médicos quedaron repentinamente fuera de la red. Se preguntaba cómo conseguiría que se cubriera la atención médica de sus hijos o cómo encontraría nuevos médicos. “Para una familia de cinco… ¿por dónde empezamos?” — Amber Wingler, 42 años, de Columbia, Missouri

La hija de Wingler, Cora, de 8 años, había estado teniendo problemas intestinales sin razón aparente. Las listas de espera para ver a varios especialistas pediátricos y tener un diagnóstico, desde gastroenterología hasta terapia ocupacional, eran largas: iban de semanas hasta más de un año.

(En un comunicado, el vocero de MU Health Care, Eric Maze, afirmó que el sistema de salud trabaja para garantizar que los niños con las necesidades más urgentes sean atendidos lo antes posible).

De repente, las consultas con los especialistas para Cora estaban fuera de la red de su seguro. A varios cientos de dólares cada una, el costo se habría disparado rápidamente. Los únicos otros especialistas pediátricos dentro de la red que Wingler encontró estaban en St. Louis y Kansas City, ambos a más de 120 millas de distancia.

Así que Wingler pospuso las citas médicas de su hija durante meses mientras intentaba decidir qué hacer.

En todo el país, las disputas contractuales son comunes, con más de 650 hospitales involucrados en conflictos públicos con aseguradoras desde 2021.

Y podrían volverse aún más frecuentes a medida que los hospitales se preparan para recortes de aproximadamente $1.000 millones en el gasto federal en salud, según lo estipulado por la ley insignia del presidente Donald Trump, promulgada en julio.

Los pacientes atrapados en una disputa contractual tienen pocas opciones viables.

“Existe un antiguo proverbio africano que dice: cuando dos elefantes pelean, la hierba se aplasta. Y, lamentablemente, en estas situaciones, a menudo los pacientes son la hierba”, afirmó Caitlin Donovan, directora de la Patient Advocate Foundation, una organización sin fines de lucro que ayuda a personas con dificultades para acceder a la atención médica.

Si te sientes aplastado bajo una disputa contractual entre un hospital y tu aseguradora, esto es lo que necesitas saber para protegerte financieramente:

1. “Fuera de la red” significa que probablemente pagarás más.

Las aseguradoras negocian contratos con hospitales y otros proveedores médicos para establecer las tarifas que pagarán por distintos servicios. Cuando llegan a un acuerdo, el hospital y la mayoría de los proveedores que trabajan allí pasan a formar parte de la red de la aseguradora.

La mayoría de los pacientes prefieren consultar con proveedores “dentro de la red” porque su seguro cubre parte, la mayor parte o incluso la totalidad de la factura, que podría ascender a cientos o miles de dólares. Si consultas con un proveedor fuera de la red, podrías tener que pagar la factura completa.

Si decides seguir con tus médicos habituales aunque estén fuera de la red, puedes consultar sobre la posibilidad de obtener un descuento por pago en efectivo y sobre el programa de asistencia financiera del hospital.

2. Las disputas entre hospitales y aseguradoras suelen resolverse.

, investigador de políticas de salud de la Universidad Brown, examinó 3.714 hospitales no federales en Estados Unidos y halló que, entre junio de 2021 y mayo de 2025, un 18% de ellos tuvo una disputa pública con una compañía de seguros de salud.

Cerca de la mitad de esos hospitales finalmente se retiraron de la red de la aseguradora, según los datos preliminares de Buxbaum. Sin embargo, la mayoría de estas rupturas se resuelven en uno o dos meses, agregó. Por lo tanto, es muy probable que tus médicos vuelvan a formar parte de la red, incluso después de una separación.

3. Podrías calificar para una extensión que te permita reducir costos.

Ciertos pacientes podrían calificar para una extensión de la cobertura dentro de la red, lo que se llama continuidad de la atención.

Puedes pedir esta extensión llamando a tu aseguradora, pero el proceso puede ser largo. Algunos hospitales han habilitado recursos para ayudar a los pacientes a solicitarla.

Wingler pasó por todo ese calvario por su hija: horas al teléfono, llenando formularios y enviando faxes.

Pero dijo que no tenía el tiempo ni la energía para hacerlo para todos los miembros de su familia.

“Mi hijo estaba en fisioterapia”, dijo. “Pero lo siento mucho, hijo, tú sigue con los ejercicios que tienes que hacer. No voy a pelearme para que tú también tengas cobertura, cuando ya estoy peleando por tu hermana”, se dijo.

También es importante tener en cuenta si se trata de una emergencia médica: en la mayoría de los servicios de urgencias, los hospitales de las tarifas de su red.

4. Puede que tengas que esperar para cambiar de aseguradora.

Quizás estés pensando en cambiarte a una aseguradora que cubra a tus médicos favoritos. Pero ten en cuenta que muchas personas que eligen sus planes de salud durante el período anual de inscripción abierta quedan atadas a su plan durante un año. Los contratos entre las aseguradoras y los hospitales no necesariamente coinciden con el año de tu plan.

Ciertos , como casarse, tener un hijo o perder el trabajo, pueden permitirte cambiar de seguro fuera del período anual de inscripción abierta, pero que tus médicos dejen de pertenecer a la red de tu seguro no se considera un acontecimiento de vida que te permita hacerlo.

5. Buscar un nuevo médico puede llevar mucho tiempo.

Si la ruptura entre tu aseguradora y el hospital parece definitiva, podrías considerar buscar una nueva lista de médicos y otros proveedores que estén dentro de la red de tu plan. ¿Por dónde empezar? Tu plan probablemente tenga una herramienta en línea para buscar proveedores dentro de la red cerca de donde vives.

Pero ten en cuenta que cambiar de médico podría significar esperar para establecerte como paciente de uno nuevo y, en algunos casos, tener que ir más lejos.

6. Vale la pena guardar los recibos.

Incluso si tu seguro y el hospital no llegan a un acuerdo antes de que expire su contrato, existe la probabilidad de que lleguen a un nuevo acuerdo.

Algunos pacientes deciden posponer sus citas mientras esperan. Otros mantienen sus citas y pagan de su propio bolsillo. Si es tu caso, guarda los recibos. Cuando las aseguradoras y los hospitales llegan a un acuerdo, este suele aplicarse retroactivamente, por lo que las citas que pagaste de tu bolsillo podrían estar cubiertas después de todo.

Fin de un suplicio

Tres meses después de que expirara el contrato entre la aseguradora de Wingler y el hospital, ambas partes anunciaron un nuevo acuerdo. Wingler se unió a la multitud de pacientes que programaron las citas que habían pospuesto durante la crisis.

En un comunicado, Jim Turner, vocero de Elevance Health, la empresa matriz de Anthem, escribió: “Abordamos las negociaciones enfocados en la equidad, la transparencia y el respeto por todos los afectados”.

Maze, de MU Health Care, dijo: “Comprendemos la importancia del acceso puntual a la atención pediátrica especializada para las familias y lamentamos profundamente la frustración que algunos padres han experimentado al intentar programar citas tras la resolución de las negociaciones de nuestro contrato con Anthem”.

Wingler se alegró de que su familia pudiera volver a ver a sus médicos, pero su alivio se vio atenuado por la determinación de no volver a encontrarse en la misma situación.

“Creo que seremos un poco más precavidos cuando llegue el período de inscripción abierta”, dijo Wingler. “Nunca nos habíamos preocupado por revisar nuestra cobertura de gastos de bolsillo porque no la necesitábamos”.

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Last winter, Amber Wingler started getting a series of increasingly urgent messages from the local hospital in Columbia, Missouri, letting her know her family’s health care might soon be upended.

MU Health Care, where most of her family’s doctors work, was mired in a contract dispute with Wingler’s health insurer, Anthem. The existing contract was set to expire.

Then, on March 31, Wingler received an email alerting her that the next day Anthem was dropping the hospital from its network. It left her reeling.

“I know that they go through contract negotiations all the time … but it just seemed like bureaucracy that wasn’t going to affect us. I’d never been pushed out-of-network like that before,” she said. Ìý